Jessica McKenzie – The Counter https://thecounter.org Fact and friction in American food. Thu, 26 Aug 2021 18:29:08 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.1.1 Can canners still trust the Ball Blue Book, cornerstone of the American canning canon? https://thecounter.org/canners-trust-ball-blue-book-american-canning-food-safety-usda-iowa-state-extension/ Thu, 26 Aug 2021 18:03:52 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=63941 Last August, the Iowa State University (ISU) Extension and Outreach—the arm of the land-grant university that works directly with farmers, business owners, and families on practical science applications—quietly informed 4-H members that canned goods made with recipes from the Ball Blue Book would no longer be accepted for exhibits at county fairs. A year later, […]

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To the great dismay of the online canning community, Iowa State has stopped recommending what many consider to be the “canning bible” over safety and accuracy concerns.

Last August, the Iowa State University (ISU) Extension and Outreach—the arm of the land-grant university that works directly with farmers, business owners, and families on practical science applications—quietly informed 4-H members that canned goods made with recipes from the Ball Blue Book would no longer be accepted for exhibits at county fairs. A year later, the news that ISU Extension was no longer recommending the Ball Blue Book, not just to 4-H, but to any home canner, roiled the Canning subreddit, an online community with nearly 80,000 members.

The Ball brand has had an outsized influence in home preservation over the decades. In addition to their nearly ubiquitous jars and lids, for many home canners, the Ball Blue Book is the closest thing to a canning bible, with a long and storied history. The compilation of recipes and instructions that would later become the Ball Blue Book were first collected in 1905. Along with the USDA Complete Guide to Home Canning, it is said to make up the “American canon of home canning.” The Ball name is also attached to at least two other hefty recipe books, “The All New Ball Book Of Canning And Preserving” and the “Ball Complete Book of Home Preserving.”

In an emailed announcement excerpted and shared online, the agency cited several concerns with Ball’s publications, including: “not providing testing analysis and data…to verify the safety of the finished product,” a “lack of precise measurements,” and “wordy explanations, mistakes, and missing information.”

Sarah Francis, who works in Food Science and Human Nutrition at ISU Extension, said other Extensions also share their concerns. “I’m part of a regional food safety group, and I’m part of the food preservation subgroup, and I know a few [other Extensions] within our region are leaning the same way,” Francis told The Counter. Many interpreted the retraction of ISU’s prior endorsement of the Blue Book as an outright attack on the company.

The fear is that newer, less-experienced canners are following recipes they find on Pinterest or even the pages of respected food magazines that haven’t been vetted by researchers, and could make themselves or others sick.

“If somebody at Ball really got, please excuse my language, [their] panties in a twist, they could cite defamation,” Dave Skolnick, a home canner who lives in Maryland, told The Counter. If it wasn’t already clear that this is a sensitive topic, two other employees I emailed at ISU Extension to see if any Iowa 4-H participants (or their parents) were upset about the rules change declined to comment.

Francis clarified that it’s not that they are asserting Ball recipes are unsafe, just that they can’t vouch for their safety, and Ball didn’t provide enough research data to reassure them otherwise. Tracey Brigman, the interim head of the National Center for Home Food Preservation—the canning and preserving lodestar affiliated with the University of Georgia Extension—echoed Francis in an email to The Counter: “It is not that we do not recommend them per se, but we don’t endorse them because we are not familiar with their research and testing methods.”

The popularity of canning has been on the rise for more than a decade, one side effect of the ever-growing local food movement. Food preservation also got a big pandemic bump, as people stuck at home with a lot more time on their hands picked up the hobby. Recently published preserving and canning recipes and books, including some newer Ball publications, have been trending increasingly “gourmet,” according to ISU Extension, or flat out “bougie,” per John Larsen, a home canner who lives in Utah. 

Take, for example, the Bon Appétit video by Brad Leone on how to can lobster and mussels, which had to be retracted because the method shown didn’t heat the food enough to kill the bacteria that causes botulism, a serious and possibly deadly illness, which cannot be detected by sight, smell, or taste. The fear is that newer, less-experienced canners are following recipes they find on Pinterest or even the pages of respected food magazines that haven’t been vetted by researchers, and could make themselves or others sick.

“We feel ethically bound to provide research-based and/or evidence-based information to our clientele. That is to ensure that the information that we are sharing, whether it be about food preservation, nutrition, food safety, family, family life, financial management, is research-based, so that they can make informed decisions.”

It remains to be seen whether last year’s home canning mania corresponded with a nationwide bump in food-borne botulism—the most recent nationwide CDC data is from 2017—but at least one state, Colorado, warned residents of several cases of the illness in late 2020 and early 2021 linked to improperly canned food.

But while demand for safe and reliable canning instructions is increasing, canners complain that the Extensions that provide assistance and recommendations are underfunded and under-resourced, and their offerings are limited. To have one rescind support for such an influential Ball publication, especially without offering an alternative, makes it seem as though a small pool of resources is getting even smaller.

“We’re not food preservation police,” said Francis. Francis said that this decision was the culmination of years of discussion, not just about the safety of Ball recipes, but about the Extension’s larger role in society.

There are over 100 land-grant universities with Extension programs that receive federal funding to carry out their mission. The kind of research and education they do varies from institution to institution, depending on the needs of the communities they are based in. Not all of them have specific canning and food preservation instruction, although the National Center for Food Preservation links to 23 Extensions that have published food preservation information, many of them tailored to their locales (For example, the Alaska Extension has published recipes for canning walrus, moose, and caribou, as well as fish and vegetables). But the foundational purpose of these institutions is to provide useful, science and research-based practical information.

“We feel ethically bound to provide research-based and/or evidence-based information to our clientele,” said Francis. “That is to ensure that the information that we are sharing, whether it be about food preservation, nutrition, food safety, family, family life, financial management, is research-based, so that they can make informed decisions.”

“For a recipe to meet the standards of recipes in the USDA Guide, it would need to be tested in a laboratory, often with published methods that support the data obtained as valid; this is what is ‘research tested.'”

In practice, that means the Extension will now only recommend recipes by the Department of Agriculture (USDA) or National Center for Home Food Preservation. They suggest home canners who want to use other recipes, including Ball, cross-check to see if they are in line with USDA recommendations.

Francis said most of the concerns and questions coming in from concerned canners were not about the Blue Book, but about Ball’s other publications, but for clarity’s sake they adopted this black-and-white policy.

Like many Americans, Larsen learned how to can from his mother and grandmother, but it wasn’t until the past few years that he picked it up again, using the Ball Blue Book as one of his guides. This summer he’s been working his way through the two other Ball publications.

“I’ve seen problems in the recipes, generally around the weights and measures of fruits,” Larsen told The Counter in a phone interview, confirming part of what ISU Extension said in their statement. For example, a recipe might call for some number of ounces of fruit, but not specify weight or volume, or whether the given amount is before or after processing. As Larsen pointed out, there’s a pretty big difference between 4 cups of raspberries and 4 cups of crushed raspberries. But he added that Ball has not been the source of the most egregiously unsafe recipes he’s seen in the wild.

A corporate spokesperson for Newell Brands, the umbrella corporation that currently owns the Ball-brand home canning line, said in a written statement to The Counter: “We’re confident in our recipe validation efforts and the testing and review we go through to ensure we provide safe and quality instructions and recipes for our canners. We take pride in knowing that they have been vetted properly using standard practices from the USDA and NCHFP. We value the relationships we have with extension agencies and we hope to address the concerns of any extension agent or extension region to ensure the quality of our work remains as expected and required by our consumers. We have in the past, and will in the future, have extension leaders visit our facility to demonstrate exactly how we validate a recipe.”

The company did not elaborate on their “standard practices” or share any detailed safety or testing data.

A number of factors can change the pH and consistency of foods, like the addition of thickening agents or other ingredients, and even the piece size of the fruit, all of which have to be taken into consideration when determining whether a recipe is safe.

“For a recipe to meet the standards of recipes in the USDA Guide, it would need to be tested in a laboratory, often with published methods that support the data obtained as valid; this is what is ‘research tested,’” Barbara Ingham, professor of food science at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and a food safety specialist at the Wisconsin Extension, wrote in an email. Studies, she said, should include pH testing as well as heat penetration experiments.

“I do not know that Ball is testing recipes using these standards,” she added.

“We strongly recommend that consumers not use untested recipes,” Brigman told The Counter in response to emailed questions. She explained that two factors will determine whether a food has been heated enough to prevent the growth of Clostridium botulinum, the bacteria that can release the toxin that causes botulism: pH and consistency. A number of factors can change the pH and consistency of foods, like the addition of thickening agents or other ingredients, and even the piece size of the fruit, all of which have to be taken into consideration when determining whether a recipe is safe.

Like Francis, she suggests consumers interested in using other recipes reach out to the source—you’ll note the Ball company has not provided specifics to ISU Extension or The Counter—to ask about their research methods, but there’s not much they can do beyond that. “A consumer might have to reach out to a private company to request information on their research process and they would have to then trust that process,” Brigman wrote.

For his part, Skolnick said he was satisfied by Ball’s assertion that their recipes are tested, and their invitation to Extension specialists to visit their lab. “I would go,” he said. “I think it’d be fun.”

Larsen also said he would continue to use Ball books: “I’ve done enough canning that I have a good kind of feel for something that seems a little off.”

As for the Canning subreddit, not much will change there. “We will not be flairing [flagging] Ball recipes as unsafe or untested,” one of the moderators wrote. “We will, of course, be watching further developments closely.”

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]]> Gardening could be an essential part of astronaut self-care https://thecounter.org/indoor-vertical-farming-astronaut-self-care-nasa-antarctica/ Tue, 17 Aug 2021 17:06:07 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=62710 Polar night is finally over at Neumayer Station III, a remote research station perched on Antarctica’s Ekstrom Ice Shelf. For almost 64 days, the 10 members of the skeleton winter crew, the overwinterers—a cook, a doctor, and eight engineers and researchers—did not see the sun. For those 63 days, 23 hours, and 18 minutes, perpetual […]

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Indoor farming is helping an isolated NASA crew thrive in Antarctica, and could reap future psychological benefits for space explorers.

Polar night is finally over at Neumayer Station III, a remote research station perched on Antarctica’s Ekstrom Ice Shelf. For almost 64 days, the 10 members of the skeleton winter crew, the overwinterers—a cook, a doctor, and eight engineers and researchers—did not see the sun. For those 63 days, 23 hours, and 18 minutes, perpetual darkness was broken only by brief periods of twilight, when the sun approached but did not rise above the horizon. Average temperatures in June and July fluctuate between 0 and -24 degrees Fahrenheit, and the station is often pounded by winds that can exceed 100 kilometers per hour. A webcam of the station feeds photos to a livestream every 10 minutes, but during snowstorms it may not be possible to see the station at all.

These extreme conditions make the Ekstrom Ice Shelf an ideal setting to test the technology that could one day allow humans to grow food in inhospitable settings like the moon or Mars. Additionally, the extreme isolation of Neumayer Station and its residents make them ideal subjects in a study of how fresh produce could impact the well-being of astronauts during long-haul space travel.

NASA’s Kennedy Space Center

That’s right: It’s not just the technology that allows us to grow food without sun, soil, or rain under the microscope. Jess Bunchek, a plant scientist from NASA’s Kennedy Space Center, and the other crew members are subjects of a survey meant to assess how working in the greenhouse and eating fresh produce affects their mental state and well-being. The crew also had pictures of their brain taken by a magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) machine before traveling to Antarctica. After they return, their brains will be photographed again to see how they changed over time. Researchers will also look at cognitive and biochemical changes in the blood and saliva.

“It’s a very harsh external environment,” said Ray Wheeler, a plant physiologist with Kennedy’s Exploration Research and Technology program, who has been on the project’s advisory board from the beginning. “You’re very isolated as a human crew so that gives you the kind of analog, or the situation that you want to compare with, say, a space crew…Once they’re there, they can’t get back. In the winter, I mean, there’s no coming back.”

“Just having a simulation in the next room, where they go home at night, it’s not the same psychological load as they have when they are truly remote and on their own.”

Bunchek arrived in Antarctica in late January on the icebreaker RV Polarstern, German for “polar star.” In a normal year the ship would have only carried the group’s gear and supplies, but because of the ongoing pandemic, it also ferried the overwintering crew itself—adding at least a month to their time away from home. Bunchek isn’t scheduled to leave until early 2022, after spending more than a year in one of the world’s harshest climes.

“You can’t really test psychology without putting the person in an extreme environment,” explained Matt Nugent, a NASA contractor, and Bunchek’s manager. “Just having a simulation in the next room, where they go home at night, it’s not the same psychological load as they have when they are truly remote and on their own.”

Alex Stahn, an assistant professor at the University of Pennsylvania who studies how spaceflight and related stressors like isolation and confinement impact the human brain, agreed. Stahn said more controlled, laboratory-based studies of isolation and confinement are generally limited to 45 days, so conducting studies in remote locations like Antarctica is necessary for studying long-term isolation. 

Of course, there are limitations to an experiment design that doesn’t include a control group.

“The ideal approach is, you don’t give half the crew fresh food, or you don’t let them see the plants and the others you do, you kind of set up a control,” said Wheeler. “That wouldn’t have been very well received by the crew down there.”

Inside the vertical farm at NASA greenhouse in Antartica. August 2021

The greenhouse is a standalone structure about 400 meters from Neumayer Station III. Like the station itself, EDEN ISS is raised on stilts, which are necessary to avoid being warped under heavy snowdrifts and shifting ice.

EDEN ISS

In lieu of something so ethically dubious, Bunchek and the other crew members first responded to a survey created by Stahn in November 2020, prior to their departure for Antarctica. This established a kind of baseline. Since arriving at the station, they have completed the survey on a monthly basis, answering questions like: How much time they spend in the greenhouse each month; what kind of activities they do there, be that planting or harvesting or cleaning; how the plants make them feel; and whether they enjoy eating the food that is harvested. After they return and Stahn has the before-and-after brain scans, he’ll look at patterns of change and to what extent they correlate with the overwintering crew’s survey responses.

Anecdotally, the greenhouse has already proven hugely beneficial to the overwintering crew. The other team members, including those researching geophysics, hydroacoustics, meteorology, or climate, are reportedly eager gardening assistants.

“Whenever [Bunchek] needs help, she reports she has no problem getting volunteers from the crew,” Nugent said. “They tend to want to come into that space and be around the green plants, because everything else is just snow and steel.”

“They tend to want to come into that space and be around the green plants, because everything else is just snow and steel.”

“Personally, I have enjoyed how working in the greenhouse daily stimulates all of my senses,” Bunchek wrote in an email from Antarctica. “It’s a warm, colorful, fragrant environment…and the smell of fresh peppers, cucumbers, basil, mint, tomatoes, parsley–all the crops–is simply wonderful!”

She adds: “More than anything, I enjoy eating the produce raw. Anything we eat here that isn’t grown in the greenhouse is pre-packaged as either frozen or dried, so having the chance to eat fresh, raw produce is a treat!”

The greenhouse is a standalone structure about 400 meters from Neumayer Station III. Like the station itself, EDEN ISS is raised on stilts, which are necessary to avoid the fate of Neumayer Stations I and II—warped under heavy snowdrifts and shifting ice.

As with all indoor or vertical farms, this method of farming is called controlled environment agriculture, because all the growing conditions—light spectrum, temperature, humidity, nutrient delivery, watering, even carbon dioxide levels—are indeed carefully controlled. However, EDEN ISS is supposed to emulate the challenging conditions of space, which are far greater than those for indoor farms on Earth.

A close up of a crop growing in a vertical farm in Antartica. August 2021

EDEN ISS is supposed to emulate the challenging conditions of space, which are far greater than those for indoor farms on Earth. Crops are selected because of their size, shape, or other physical characteristics and nutritional value.

EDEN ISS

In addition to cucumbers, basil, mint, tomatoes, parsley, Bunchek is also growing varieties of peas, beans, broccoli, cauliflower, and new pepper and mustard green cultivars, all of which were selected either because of their size, shape, or other physical characteristics, or for their nutritional value.

“So often in space, we’re constrained by power, volume, mass, things like that,” said Wheeler. “We try to look for shorter growing species, maybe dwarf varieties within those species. Growing sugarcane that’s 12 feet tall just isn’t a good match.” They also want varieties that grow quickly and have high yields.

In addition to size and shape, they’re looking at the nutritional content of plants, and specifically for nutrients that can be difficult to deliver by other means, or that degrade over time, like Vitamin C and Vitamin B1.

“You’re not going to get a lot of nutrition out of lettuce,” Wheeler explains. But: “Choose a colored variety, then you can get anthocyanin. That’s a pigment that has some antioxidant qualities.”

“We try to look for shorter growing species, maybe dwarf varieties within those species. Growing sugarcane that’s 12 feet tall just isn’t a good match.”

Even though there’s gravity in the EDEN ISS, one of the technologies NASA is testing this season is a plant watering system that can function in u-gravity, as on the International Space Station.

Another key factor being closely monitored and tracked is operational time. While Bunchek and the other crew members enjoy spending time in the greenhouse, the goal is to keep hands-on time to a minimum, because the astronauts who eventually use this system won’t have a lot of excess time. (The working hypothesis is that hands-on gardening time is less important to mental well-being than spending time near the plants or knowing that they’re there.)

There’s a lot riding on this greenhouse, whose name evokes the garden of Genesis and the beginning of new life. It can be hard to lose track of in the minutiae of seed varieties, LED lights, and watering systems, but the ultimate goal of EDEN ISS and other similar projects—like the micro-garden on the International Space Station called VEGGIE, described as the size of a piece of carry-on luggage—is to support long-term space travel or even colonization.

“Food has been foundational to human exploration for centuries,” said Nugent. “We often talk here in the halls about Shackleton and Franklin, the great explorers…sometimes I really feel this is all in support of the great human adventure and exploration and expanding horizons, and food is a foundational aspect of that.”

Beyond providing nutrients and sustenance, Wheeler points out that at a certain volume, plants can help sustain life in other ways.

“If you’re going to assume that it’s going to fail, and taking backup food to support a failure, you might as well not even have had it. Then it just becomes a toy or an experiment.”

“When you get to a sufficient scale, you’re now generating oxygen, and enough oxygen, then it’s beginning to have an impact in terms of your life support systems,” Wheeler said. According to the most recent research, Wheeler said, 20-25 square meters of plants growing continuously under white, high-intensity light can generate about enough oxygen for one person.

If indoor farming ever did become a pillar of the astronaut’s life support system, there would be no room for error.

“As soon as we want to say that we are being reliant on this food source, as part of the nutritional needs of the crew…it can’t fail,” said Nugent. “If you’re going to assume that it’s going to fail, and taking backup food to support a failure, you might as well not even have had it. Then it just becomes a toy or an experiment.”

Finally, I ask about the state of astronaut salad dressing, to make fresh greens even more palatable and pleasurable.

“Once we get this down,” said Nugent, “convincing the astronaut office to pack packets of something in there I think would be a wonderful marker for us. It shows that we’re producing enough salad.”

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]]> As EPA phases out climate-damaging commercial refrigerants, supermarkets will need to overhaul their entire refrigeration systems https://thecounter.org/epa-phase-out-commercial-refrigerants-supermarkets-montreal-protocol-kigali/ Fri, 07 May 2021 18:43:54 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=58645 This week the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) took the first step in phasing down the use of hydrofluorocarbons, or HFCs, common refrigerants that also happen to be greenhouse gases thousands of times more potent than carbon dioxide. It’s a significant step towards reducing the import and production of HFCs by 85 percent over the next […]

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EPA took steps this week to dramatically reduce the use of hydrofluorocarbons, a move that will ultimately reshape the grocery industry.

This week the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) took the first step in phasing down the use of hydrofluorocarbons, or HFCs, common refrigerants that also happen to be greenhouse gases thousands of times more potent than carbon dioxide. It’s a significant step towards reducing the import and production of HFCs by 85 percent over the next decade and a half, as mandated by the American Innovation and Manufacturing Act of 2020.

“The primary takeaway from the news this week is that, hey, this is really happening,” said Mark McLinden, a chemical engineer at the National Institute of Standards and Technology who studies refrigerants. “The EPA is sort of defining how we’re going to get there.”

This is not the first time that refrigerants had to be swapped out because they’re bad for the environment. The first widely used refrigerants, chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), commonly known by the brand name Freon, and hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFCs), were later found to be ozone-depleting. In 1987, the U.S. and 196 other countries agreed to phase them out as part of the Montreal Protocol, an international treaty designed to protect the ozone layer by phasing out the production of numerous substances. CFCs have been illegal in this country since 2005, and HCFCs are being phased out in advance of a complete ban by 2030.

Although HFCs are used in lots of different applications like air conditioners, supermarkets are one of the worst culprits when it comes to leaking these gases into the atmosphere.

But HFCs, the replacements for CFCs and HCFCs, proved to have downsides of their own, with Global Warming Potential (GWP) thousands of times greater than carbon dioxide. The Montreal Protocol was modified in 2016, with an amendment to mandate a roughly 80 percent reduction of CFCs by 2045. Although the U.S. has yet to ratify the Kigali Amendment, President Biden has declared an intention to do so. This week’s proposed rule from EPA sets the U.S. up to meet that goal.

Although HFCs are used in lots of different applications like air conditioners, supermarkets are one of the worst culprits when it comes to leaking these gases into the atmosphere. McLinden explained coolants generally need to be circulated around a store—to the dairy cases, the freezer aisle, etc.—which adds up to miles of piping, lots of joints, and too many opportunities for leaks to develop.

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As The Counter reported in 2019, Southeastern Grocers Inc. (the parent company of Winn Dixie, Bi-Lo, and several other supermarket chains) was slapped with an estimated $4.2 million bill as part of an agreement with the Department of Justice and EPA to address persistent coolant leaks. In that case, the coolants were of the ozone-depleting variety.

The nonprofit Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) believes it is a serious, industry-wide problem. EIA visited 45 food retailers in the Washington D.C. area in 2019, and using portable leak detectors, found refrigerant leaks in 60 percent of Walmart stores—a company that has made public pledges to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by carefully manage refrigerant leaks and upgrading to more efficient, less-leaky systems—and 55 percent of all other companies visited.

Some supermarkets have already begun to switch over to alternatives to HFCs. As part of the EIA project Climate-Friendly Supermarkets, the nonprofit has highlighted the efforts of chains including ALDI U.S., Whole Foods, Target, and Sprouts to phase out HFCs.

“At the end of the day, it’s a bad business decision to build new stores in the United States that still use HFCs.”

It’s not necessarily simple for grocery stores to swap out HFCs. Refrigeration systems are often designed with one particular coolant in mind, and another might not work as efficiently, if it works at all. But using climate-friendly alternatives in new construction should now be a no-brainer.

“Ideally every new store that is being built from today onward should not be using HFCs and that’s not hard at all,” Avipsa Mahapatra, who works on climate at EIA, told The Counter. This makes sense from a climate perspective, but also from a business perspective. Part of the EPA rule announced this week is an allowance schedule which will limit the amount of HFCs that can be used, and allow them to be traded between companies. That could eventually get costly. “At the end of the day, it’s a bad business decision to build new stores in the United States that still use HFCs.”

Charlie Souhrada, a vice president of the North American Association of Food Equipment Manufacturers, which includes makers of commercial walk-in coolers and freezers and the like, says the rule helps iron out some of the uncertainty that arose after 2016, when some states took regulation of HFCs into their own hands—the Trump administration was largely uninvolved. The federal guidelines will smooth out that patchwork regulation—although practically speaking, Souhrada said he still needs to figure out what the rule means for the membership base.

Once alternative coolants become more widely used, the next question is, what happens to the ones currently in use? Mahapatra said the average lifespan of a commercial refrigerator is about 20 years. “We don’t want stores to have to dump out a perfectly good refrigerator before its end of life,” Mahapatra said. “Then it becomes more complicated: How do you retrofit that? How do you switch it out? What do you do at the end of life?”

These are questions that will presumably be hammered out in future EPA rule-making.

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]]> Though they’re frequent targets of theft and vandalism, the gospel of community fridges spreads faster than ill will https://thecounter.org/community-fridges-theft-mutual-aid-covid-19/ Fri, 16 Oct 2020 19:18:05 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=50743 Sherina Jones, an aesthetician who lives in Miami, Florida, was watching make-up videos on YouTube when the algorithm suggested something a little different: a video about community fridges, a kind of mutual aid in which food donations are placed in a shared refrigerator on the street. People take what they need, and individuals or groups […]

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Free-fridge projects that encourage neighbors to help each other have met with some opposition. But that hasn’t stopped them from popping up across the country.

Pictured above: Volunteers Bryant Rodriguez and his daughter Vanessa Rodriguez stock a refrigerator with free food for people in need in Los Angeles on July 20, 2020. A network called LA Community Fridge has placed a number of them across the Los Angeles area with plans to install more.

Sherina Jones, an aesthetician who lives in Miami, Florida, was watching make-up videos on YouTube when the algorithm suggested something a little different: a video about community fridges, a kind of mutual aid in which food donations are placed in a shared refrigerator on the street. People take what they need, and individuals or groups and businesses with excess food can give back to the community.

“I watched the video and it basically explained what a community refrigerator was and what it was for, and I was like, that’s something we could really use, especially at this time with so many people hurting,” Jones said in a phone call with The Counter.

The coronavirus pandemic has made millions more Americans food-insecure. In August, about one in 10 Americans reported that they sometimes or often didn’t have enough to eat that week. That’s about 22.3 million hungry people, 4.3 million more than there were in March.

Where government assistance falls short as a system, mutual-aid projects can fill in gaps. In theory, mutual aid is part community organizing, part political participation—specifically, it encourages people to take responsibility for each other when political and economic conditions are changing. In function, mutual aid-projects promote a voluntary exchange of essential goods and services at the community level. The practice has roots in anarchist organizing, but has seen more mainstream acceptance this year.

Village (Free)dge in Miami, Florida. October 2020.

Courtesy Sherina Jones

A Village (Free)dge outside Roots Black House in Liberty City, Miami, Florida.

Jones reached out to her cousin Isaiah Thomas and his business partner Danny Agnew, who are part of a collective that promotes the economic growth, social awareness, and self-sufficiency in Black and non-Black communities of color. They agreed to host the fridge outside of their event space, Roots Black House in Liberty City, Miami, and helped raise money for groceries. Jones bought a used refrigerator from a repair shop for $180, and put up signs explaining how the fridge, which they branded a community “(Free)dge,” works. Jones has since set up three more community refrigerators in different parts of Miami.

But now she’s down to just three in total, after the one she set up in Overtown Village was stolen. (Jones tweeted about the loss in September). Jones bought a replacement, but was forced to remove it when the owners of the convenience store down the street complained.

And this is hardly the first time that free fridges have been stolen or vandalized.

Kelsey Bryden wanted to set up a fridge near where she lives in Brooklyn, New York. “I felt really drawn to it because it sounded like something I could do on my own,” she told The Counter. Bryden found a nearby bodega that was receptive to having the fridge outside, spotted a fridge on Craigslist, and connected with someone in the Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood mutual-aid group, which communicates via the messaging app Slack, who could help move it into place. She even had an artist interested in painting the fridge. 

Mutual aid is part community organizing, part political participation. It encourages people to take responsibility for each other when political and economic conditions are changing.

But the fridge was stolen before they got a chance to start.

Security footage Bryden got from the bodega owner showed someone arriving outside with gloves and a hand truck. The owner told Bryden that their landlord didn’t want the fridge outside after all, because they thought it would attract poor people to the front of the store. Now, Bryden thinks the landlord may have hired someone to get rid of the refrigerator.

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Thadeaus Umpster helped set up a free fridge in Brooklyn back in February, and is part of a group chat with people who have set up community fridges across the country. He said he knows of at least eight incidents in the New York metropolitan area where community fridges have been stolen, vandalized, or had to be moved because of pushback by landlords or surrounding residential communities.

A community fridge set up in Union City, New Jersey, was knocked over and broken. In the Rockaways neighborhood in Queens, New York, a free fridge was stolen and stranded on a beach jetty. Afterward, the theft was celebrated in a Rockaway Beach Facebook group as “Legendary,” leading community organizers to believe it was motivated by racism and classism.

“This is what white supremacy looks like,” a member of the grassroots activist group Rockaway Revolution tweeted in response to the loss.

“I think it’s definitely classism, and when you think about poor people in the Rockaways, a majority are Black and brown folks,” Rockaway Revolution organizer Marva Kerwin told local publication, The Queens Eagle. “There is segregation here.”

Opposition has perhaps been the most pronounced in more gentrified neighborhoods.

“A vegan cafe [in Clinton Hill] set up a fridge, it was fine for a day or two, then the landlord got back from the Hamptons or whatever and said no,” Umpster said.

Of course, it’s certainly possible that not every theft is the result of NIMBYism or vitriol against the poor and in-need. In some situations, it may be a case of mistaken-fridge identity.

“A vegan cafe set up a fridge, it was fine for a day or two, then the landlord got back from the Hamptons or whatever and said no.”

Mariya Chechina had an extra refrigerator just sitting in her garage in Jersey City, New Jersey. One of her friends, who runs a community fridge in the West Side neighborhood, urged her to place one where Chechina lives, in the Greenville neighborhood. Within a week it had been taken.

In major cities, it’s not uncommon to see old appliances left out on the sidewalk for trash pickup. There was a recent near-miss when the driver of a municipal waste truck almost carted away the replacement for Chechina’s stolen fridge, but her neighbor ran out and told them it was being used.

“I’m kind of hoping it was a mistake,” Chechina told The Counter, about the initial theft. “Otherwise it’d be really sad.”

But she thinks the experience has been positive overall. “Even neighbors come and drop off food,” Chechina said. “It’s really a community effort, not just us.”

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Dan Zauderer, a teacher in the South Bronx, helped set up a community fridge in his neighborhood in Mott Haven in September. He told The Counter that some of his neighbors thought the fridge would be stolen, but he was reluctant to chain it up because he felt it might send the wrong message—one of distrust. 

But one day, Zauderer said, he went to check in on the fridge, and someone had brought a chain and figured out how to secure it to a wall. Eventually, Zauderer heard that a fellow community member had decided it was important and solved the problem of the chain himself. That’s how mutual aid works: the community decides what its priorities are, and solves problems informally, through informal communication. 

In spite of theft and vandalism, the gospel of community fridges appears to spread even faster than ill will: There are now more than 60 free fridges in the New York metropolitan area, according to Umpster. And Jones, the aesthetician from Florida, said that a woman in Tallahassee reached out her to say that the ones Jones had set up in Miami inspired her to set one up in her own community.

“It’s definitely filling a void,” Jones said. “We hear different stories: in between jobs, lost jobs, children are home eating more than ever.”

She added, “Some people are kind of ashamed to come, but I always welcome them with open arms.”

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]]> What does a vertical farm taste like? https://thecounter.org/vertical-farming-terroir-flavor-square-roots-kimbal-musk/ Tue, 22 Sep 2020 14:15:00 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=49358 It may have been cold and gray in New York, but inside a shipping container in Brooklyn, it was as warm as a summer day in Italy—the ideal climate for growing Genovese sweet basil. That’s what Kimbal Musk, co-founder of the indoor farming company Square Roots, told me when we met after an event at […]

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Indoor farming companies—like Kimbal Musk’s Square Roots—claim their methods can replicate any climate on earth, resulting in better-tasting produce. That story may be more marketing than science.

It may have been cold and gray in New York, but inside a shipping container in Brooklyn, it was as warm as a summer day in Italy—the ideal climate for growing Genovese sweet basil.

That’s what Kimbal Musk, co-founder of the indoor farming company Square Roots, told me when we met after an event at the Food and Finance High School in Manhattan last December. Though he’d just appeared onstage with the musician Questlove, I wasn’t there to ask him about Questlove’s new cookbook, to which Musk—a chef and restaurateur—had contributed a recipe. I was there to learn about his company’s line of bespoke, hand-harvested herbs, which are grown inside shipping containers in Brooklyn (and at a second “farm campus” in Grand Rapids, Michigan).

Specifically, I wanted to know about flavor. Square Roots claims to “recreate ideal growing climates from around the world” for its basil, mint, and chives to thrive in. According to Musk, these intensively managed indoor environments can be fine-tuned to recreate, and even improve upon, the best-tasting herbs planet Earth has ever had to offer.

The interview took place in a classroom. Wearing a brown suede jacket, black and white sneakers, and his signature straw cowboy hat, Musk—the brother of billionaire entrepreneur and Tesla founder Elon Musk—looked the part of a future-of-food emissary.

The interior of Square Roots with basil growing vertically. September 2020

The interior of a shipping container basil farm operated by Square Roots, a Brooklyn-based indoor farming company growing hand-harvested herbs

Square Roots

“We can replicate any climate in the world,” he said. “We actually replicate Genoa, Italy, for growing our basil. And it’s not any part of the year—it’s the month of June, in 1997.”

According to Musk, June 1997 was a banner season for Genovese basil. Why settle for good growing conditions when you can have the best there ever was?

“That was the perfect year,” Musk continued. “That’s how precise you can get it to. And you can get the humidity and oxygen levels, carbon dioxide levels to, you know, within half a percent.”

“By giving plants exactly what they want, we can make them taste how they should.”

As indoor farms have proliferated in recent years, so have claims like these. The promise of these facilities—which are part of a larger category of food production called controlled-environment agriculture—is being able to create the optimal growing conditions for plants throughout their life cycle by manipulating the temperature, humidity, carbon dioxide level, nutrient mixes, and light spectrum and intensity. This is in contrast to conventional crops, which are still subject to the vagaries of weather, good, bad, or disastrous. Inside Square Roots’ growing containers, nothing is left up to chance.

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“It’s just amazing what we can do,” Musk elaborated in a follow-up phone interview in January. “You can actually design the lights to, say, I’d like the leaf of this to be a little bit bigger, or a little smaller, or I’d like the softness of the leaf to be a little softer or a little crispier, or I’d like the oils to increase or I’d like the oils to decrease, depending on what you need.”

Square Roots is far from the only indoor farming company making total environmental control a part of their marketing pitch. The CEO of Bowery Farming told CNBC that his company can grow kale with a softer leaf or a more peppery arugula. The chief executive of 80 Acres Farms told The Washington Post he can grow two types of basil from the same seed—a sweeter herb for the grocery store and a stronger version for chefs—simply by tweaking environmental factors. Fresh Impact Farms’ business model—before the pandemic, at least—was growing customizable herb and flower garnishes for restaurants. The company’s website features an indicative tagline: “Harnessing the power of technology to invigorate the emotion of flavor.”

A woman wearing a hat and gloves picks basil from Square Roots' indoor vertical farm. September 2020

Left, a Square Roots employee harvests Genovese basil. The company’s co-founder, Kimbal Musk, has claimed that Square Roots replicates the climate of Genoa, Italy, in June 1997, for growing its basil.

Square Roots

These claims about the links between climate and taste may sound fantastical, but science backs them up—to a point. Changing light color, intensity, and duration has been shown to influence plant growth and development, as well as shape, size, and color. Different light recipes can even increase the volatile compounds that determine how plants smell and taste.

Still, fact-checking specific claims—for instance, whether Square Roots’ basil tastes anything like basil grown in Genoa in June, 1997, or even whether the growing conditions really approximate Genoa in 1997—is difficult, if not impossible. Indoor farming companies keep their cards close, reluctant to let any bit of intellectual property slip out, or to open themselves up to outside scrutiny. Some companies won’t even allow press on site or share photos of their farms with the media in order to protect their intellectual property. And then there’s the fact that many of the wildest claims revolve around flavor or taste, which is still not fully understood by sensory scientists. It’s hard to know where the science ends and marketing begins.

That hasn’t stopped money from flooding the indoor farming space. Newark, New Jersey-based Aerofarms, which claims it’s setting “a new culinary standard” with greens grown in peak-season conditions all year round, has raised $238 million. Plenty, a San Francisco-based startup which claims its greens have “unparalleled flavor,” has raised $401 million, and counts Jeff Bezos and Google co-founder Eric Schmidt among its backers, puts it simply: “By giving plants exactly what they want,” the company writes on its website, “we can make them taste how they should.”

The implication is always that a more flavorful future is on the horizon. But is it?

Aerial view of Square Roots container farms in Brooklyn

An aerial view of Square Roots’ Brooklyn operation: ten shipping containers in the parking lot of the Pfizer building

Square Roots

The shipping container is parked along with nine others in the lot next to the Pfizer building, a former chemical plant in Brooklyn where Square Roots is headquartered. When I visited on a brisk January afternoon, Paul Berry, Square Roots’ head of engineering, gave me a brief tour of one of the company’s shipping container farms, which it calls “climate farms” for their ability to fine-tune the environment enclosed within. He opened a door to the basil container and we peered through a protective veil of glass.

Dark green herbs covered the walls, sprouting from vertical planters. The basil on one side was lush and full, almost ready for harvest, while the rest needed more time. A center divider housed a bank of lights, but they were dark; Berry said night and day are reversed in the containers so that farmers don’t have to work under a harsh glare. He explained that a mixture of water and fertilizer periodically drips down through the planter towers and soaks the basil roots in their soilless growing medium—simulating rain, or something like it. While we stood there talking, a smaller set of lights flickered on over a tray of seedlings in the back, in the plant nursery. Indoor farms mostly use light from the red and blue spectrums, which promote photosynthesis, so the light had a bright pink hue.

Square Roots controls every condition within that shipping container: the temperature, humidity, carbon dioxide levels, nutrient mix, and light spectrum and intensity. While greenhouses rely primarily on sunlight, sometimes supplemented with growing lights, indoor farms are lit entirely by artificial lighting. This kind of agriculture has largely been made possible—and financially viable—by the increased efficiency and plummeting cost of light emitting diodes (LEDs) over the past decade.

In imitating Genoa, Square Roots is trading on what wine producers call “terroir,” or what the American wine writer Matt Kramer has called its “somewhereness.”

Although recreating sunlight with electricity comes with significant financial—and environmental—costs for indoor farms, it does open a number of possibilities. Square Roots can grow summer crops like basil year-round, and by simulating peak-season conditions has managed to greatly decrease growing times: Berry said the complete lifecycle of Square Roots’ basil is a mere 30 days from seed to harvest, which is very fast. For comparison, grown outside, basil can take up to 30 days just to germinate, or sprout.

But is it really like 1997 Genoa on the other side of the glass?

Not exactly. Musk’s cofounder, Tobias Peggs, later told me that Genoa is really more of a “baseline.” He said Square Roots will talk to chefs or look online to see where in the world the best basil is grown, and when in the last few decades the herb was “really, really fantastic.” Then they’ll look at the climate data from that season—at the temperature, the time the sun rose and set—and try to replicate that environment inside the containers.

“But that’s just the start, right, because from there you then improve,” said Peggs. So while Square Roots may have started with Genoa, it has since iterated on what nature and history provided.

Those iterations turned out to be modest. During my visit, Berry said that they were growing basil at two different temperatures, one significantly hotter than the other, to see what happened—amounting to a basic A/B test. Musk had described these efforts in more dramatic terms, suggesting that each container added to the company’s research and development capacity.

A Square Roots employee picks basil from the indoor farm. September 2020

The complete lifecycle of Square Roots’ basil is a mere 30 days from seed to harvest. For comparison conventional basil, grown outside, can take up to 30 days just to germinate.

Square Roots

“In Brooklyn, we have 10 farms, which really means we have 10 experiments going on at any one time, at least,” he said.

Even if Square Roots could conduct ten experiments at once, scientists say there are limits to that approach. Just like conventional fruit and vegetable breeders, indoor farmers may find that changes that improve taste have a negative impact on yield or shelf-life, or that making plants grow faster lowers nutrient levels. In other words, promoting one desirable parameter may have unintended consequences for another key trait.

“Maybe a certain light source or certain light recipe could increase the pepperiness or the bitterness or whatever they’re looking for,” Erik Runkle, a professor in the Department of Horticulture at Michigan State University and project director of OptimIA (Optimizing Indoor Agriculture), a Department of Agriculture-supported Specialty Crop Research Initiative, told me in a phone interview. “It’s just whether or not other things that change at the same time would still be desirable. So you can steer it, of course, but only to an extent. You can’t, you know, you can’t turn a banana into an apple.”

Harry Klee, a horticulturalist at the University of Florida who studies why fruits and vegetables taste the way they do, said it even more plainly: “If someone is telling you it’s all about light, they’re probably on drugs.”

In imitating Genoa, Musk and Peggs are trading on what wine producers call “terroir,” or what the American wine writer Matt Kramer has called its “somewhereness.” They are not alone in this: The vertically farmed strawberry company Oishii, for instance, seeks to recreate “the ideal natural ecosystem of Japan’s most distinguished strawberry-producing regions.”

Terroir is often assumed to be the earth itself—the soil in which the grape vines grow—but there are other factors too, from altitude to humidity to airflow, some of which could possibly be quantified and replicated indoors. (Flavors that are derived from soil are probably off the table; virtually all indoor farms use a soilless growing medium.)

Whether terroir is even “real” or not is a passionate and ongoing debate among winemakers. But indoor farming companies want to have it both ways: To assert that there are superior regions and climates for growing specific produce, and also that those conditions can be replicated in a box. It’s one thing to suggest that the Italian coast imparts certain qualities to basil. But then shouldn’t the inside of a sealed shipping container taste like something too? Can an herb’s somewhereness” be convincingly faked? Or will it yield instead a kind of “anywhereness”?

Can an herb’s “somewhereness” be convincingly faked?

Then there’s the question of empirically evaluating taste, or flavor. Who is in charge of determining if and when one of Square Roots’ experiments results in better-tasting basil?

“This is a classic issue with sensory science,” said Beverly Tepper, a sensory scientist at Rutgers University. “You have somebody in the organization who makes a decision about whether something is good or bad and whether it should be packaged and shipped without actually having, I would call it evidence-based information about what exactly does it taste like.”

Evidence-based information could include evaluation by a panel of experts “trained to recognize different aromas, flavors, textures, taste in a specific food product,” Tepper explained, or consumer tasting panels.

One of the few companies to be conducting such experiments in a rigorous, semi-public way is AeroFarms. In 2017, AeroFarms and Rutgers received a $1 million grant from the Foundation for Food and Agriculture Research to study the flavor and nutritional content of baby leafy greens.

Tepper, one of the researchers working with AeroFarms, said one class of nutritional elements they’re looking at are glucosinolates, a compound that has a bitter and astringent taste. If someone doesn’t like kale or broccoli, glucosinolates might be to blame.

“They’re health-promoting compounds, which is good, but if you drive them too high people won’t want to eat them,” said Tepper. “So what we’re trying to do is to find that sweet spot where you can drive the chemistry to a certain level and get the highest nutritional value while also making these plants very acceptable to people.”

Tepper and her fellow researchers at Rutgers are taking samples of baby leafy greens from AeroFarms and giving them to an expert panel trained to identify different aromas, flavors, and textures. At the same time, her colleague James Simon in the plant biology department is analyzing the chemistry of the greens to track nutrient changes. One of Tepper’s graduate students also secured a separate grant to convene consumer panels and measure consumer acceptance of the greens. The researchers will then track how different growing conditions change both the flavor and the nutritional content.

Even so, Tepper and the other researchers can only do so much.

“You can’t modify too many variables with too many treatments, because it becomes impossible, particularly when you’re doing sensory experiments.”

“You can’t modify too many variables with too many treatments, because it becomes impossible, particularly when you’re doing sensory experiments,” Tepper explained. “There’s only so many things people can taste at one time.”

Tepper signed a confidentiality agreement with AeroFarms, so she couldn’t go into detail about the experiment design, but she did say that “we had long discussions about balancing how many samples the panel can taste, how many variables…to modify at one time.”

For example: If Rutgers and AeroFarms are looking at light treatments and how different light recipes increase or decrease the presence of glucosinolates, it is difficult to also look at the role of temperature or different fertilizer mixes or carbon dioxide levels. For every variable tested, the group will need to have a control, otherwise it will be impossible to say whether any resulting changes in the plant are due to one variable or the other, or the two in concert.

Because there are countless variables to manipulate, these experiments can grow in complexity quickly, spawning endless permutations that take time and cost money. And that’s when a company has the benefit of a university research team and a giant research grant, which most do not. Of course, as Tepper points out, “you can do one set of experiments that focuses on one aspect and then come back and do another set of experiments that focus on a different aspect,” but the process remains arduous.

“Whether the average consumer is going to be able to differentiate, ‘oh, that arugula tastes extra special,’ I really don’t know.”

Do indoor farming companies really have the capacity to tweak light recipes and other growing conditions, then rigorously track how those tweaks manifest in the plant? In other words, do they really have the ability to grow finely-tuned, better tasting produce? Is it a science, an art, or just artifice?

While it might be relatively easy to see if herbs grow faster or slower, or bigger or smaller, greener or redder—subtle changes in flavor are much trickier to track, and not just for indoor farms.

“Whether the average consumer is going to be able to differentiate, ‘oh, that arugula tastes extra special,’ I really don’t know,” said Runkle.

And again, while AeroFarms and Rutgers will eventually publish some of their research in this area, most companies do all this work (or not) behind closed doors. We may always need to take their word for it.

“I hear about companies, indoor farming companies doing tasting studies,” Runkle said. “But the data is usually not shared or made available.”

“A lot of greenhouses, warehouses, vertical farming folks, it’s very kind of in the black box,” said Jon Friedman, the chief operating officer of the container farm company, Freight Farms, which supplied Square Roots with its first 10 containers. “And then you look and you’re like, it’s just lettuce, you’ve just grown lettuce, and you won’t tell anybody how you’re growing lettuce? Cool.”

Oishii strawberries aligned from flower to ripened red strawberry. September 2020

Oishii, an indoor farming company, recreates the “ideal natural ecosystems of Japan’s most distinguished strawberry-producing regions” to make its berries, which cost $50 a box.

Oishii

On a muggy July afternoon at the tail end of a heat wave, I took the subway from Brooklyn to Manhattan to pick up a $50 box of strawberries at Farra, a restaurant in TriBeCa. They’d been grown indoors in New Jersey by Oishii, the fruit company I mentioned earlier that models its farms on Japan’s strawberry-growing regions. (Oishii is a Japanese word that translates roughly to “delicious” or “tasty.”)

While the vast majority of indoor farms in the U.S. produce leafy greens or herbs, which are easy and fast to grow, tomatoes and strawberries have been bandied about as possible—and lucrative—future offerings. Musk said he thinks strawberries could be “the one that will blow people’s minds,” and his cofounder, Peggs, said he had researched strawberry production on a trip to Japan earlier this year.

Until I brought it up in conversation, neither Musk nor Peggs seemed aware that Oishii got there first—and have been selling vertically-farmed strawberries to restaurants since 2018.

The company says it is the only vertical farm growing strawberries on a commercial scale in the United States. John Reed, the company’s director of strategy and finance, said it is aiming to be the country’s largest strawberry producer within 10 years.

I wanted to taste the future of fruit.

Oishii sells boxes of eight larger or 11 smaller berries; I opted for the box of 11, so each berry cost a little over $4.50. They come nestled in individual cups, kind of like an egg carton, but suspended in plastic hammocks. They were a paler orangey-pink-red than I expected, with deep pockmarks but no seeds. They come chilled and should be stored chilled, but Oishii recommends bringing them to room temperature to fully enjoy their flavor and aroma (which was so potent I could smell it through my mask while riding the subway back home). While at Farra I also picked up a bottle of sparkling wine to go with the berries—not a true Champagne, but one made with grapes from an adjacent region; the bottle cost half as much as the fruit.

My tasting notes from that night were as follows: “Very sweet, like strawberry but more so, essence of strawberry, strawberry infused with strawberry, distilled strawberry.” But what was even more notable than the sweet taste was the texture, which was very soft, with a melt-in-your-mouth quality. My boyfriend described them as “light, smooth, and fluffy.” They were certainly superior to the commercial organic strawberries we later bought at the grocery store, but it was impossible to do a side-by-side comparison with the berries we might get in our CSA or at the greenmarket because the strawberry season had ended weeks ago.

Like Square Roots with its Genovese basil, Oishii says its indoor farms replicate the ideal environment for strawberries.

“I can’t go into the details, but the facilities are—you know, everything is tailored to the plants.”

“By recreating the ideal natural ecosystem of Japan’s most distinguished strawberry-producing regions in a controlled indoor environment, Oishii is able to consistently grow the world’s best strawberries year-round and pesticide-free,” the company claims on its website. “Oishii’s groundbreaking approach to vertical farming enables bees—nature’s pollinators—to thrive, ensuring optimal strawberry quality.” (Yes! Bees—and other indoor farms, including Square Roots, also introduce beneficial insects like ladybugs to help manage pests.)

In a video call, Reed declined to elaborate any more about Oishii’s farms or its growing conditions. “We manage our facilities in a dynamic way,” he said. “I can’t go into the details, but the facilities are—you know, everything is tailored to the plants.” Reed also said he could not divulge the specific variety of strawberry, which Oishii markets as the Omakase berry, after the chef-led dining experience. Omakase translates roughly to “I leave it to the chef,” Oishii’s co-founder told NPR. As with the dining experience, we have to trust the grower.

According to the company’s website, it is “a unique Japanese variety characterized by its beautiful aroma and exceptional sweetness. It was developed through years of breeding the best Japanese strawberry cultivars, resulting in its signature seedless appearance and creamy texture.”

Packaged Oishii strawberries with yogurt with berries, sliced bread, and coffee on a marble counter. September 2020

Little is known about the genetics of Oishii’s berries—though the company calls its strains the Omakase Berry. (Omakase is a Japanese word that means “I’ll leave it to the chef.” )

Oishii

Oishii has taken a very different approach to marketing than other indoor farming companies. Instead of making the technology a centerpiece, it downplays the fact that the strawberries are grown indoors. Reed said the company does not share pictures or videos of the farms in order to protect its intellectual property. Instead of LED-bright, futuristic farming images, the company’s Instagram page is filled with sumptuous food photography, mostly—though not entirely—of strawberries, as well as other aspirational lifestyle content. It’s refreshing, in a way, that Oishii doesn’t celebrate the technology more than the unknown variety of fruit, because genetics remain the primary driver of flavor and texture.

But it’s also a reminder of an uneasy contradiction. At the same time vertical farming companies invoke a traditional growing heritage and the specificity of place, they tightly control the narrative about their own breeding practices and growing technologies. Since one can’t visit—or even see pictures of—the farms where Oishii’s berries are grown, and since one can’t know anything about the genetics it’s actually using, it serves the company to emphasize something else: time-honored agricultural practices honed in a different time and place. Maybe it’s a way to humanize the cold, technologized reality of indoor farming. Or maybe the stories are a way to compensate for a different anxiety: That these products are a kind of tabula rasa, blank-slate foods that could be from anywhere, or be anything to anyone.

Before light recipes and controlled environment agriculture, there was plant breeding, or the science of emphasizing desired traits through crossbreeding or hybridization—think Gregor Mendel and his peas. To ignore the role of breeding and focus singularly on light recipes or even the controlled environment more generally is to miss at least half the equation.

“In plant breeding, there’s two things we’re trying to work with,” explained Michael Mazourek, a vegetable breeder at Cornell University, in a phone call earlier this year. “It’s a genotype by environment interaction, and that really drives everything. There’s all the genetics of a species or forms within the species—cultivars or breeds. And then there’s everything in the environment—the fertilizer, the light, the growing season, rainfall or water supply. So it’s that interaction that’s going to determine a lot.”

The role of breeding, which is how farmers and scientists have historically developed fruits and vegetables with specific characteristics, is often downplayed by indoor farming companies. That, or they only mention the negative outcomes of breeding, like flavorless tomatoes that can travel long distances and still be red and firm—if watery and mealy—after weeks in transit and on the shelf. But plant breeding isn’t always as bad as all that.

Indoor farming companies typically emphasize their complex, climate-controlled growing conditions. But a plant’s genetics probably have more influence on flavor.

In his work at the University of Florida, Harry Klee studies how sugars, acids, and up to 20 different volatile compounds interact in tomatoes and other fruits and vegetables to produce what we perceive as flavor. For example, the volatile hexanal is characterized by a green and grassy odor; 1-nitro-2-phenylethane is musty and earthy; phenylacetaldehyde has a floral/alcohol scent; 2-phenylethanol is nutty and fruity; and methyl salicylate smells like wintergreen. Videos about Klee’s work show giant test tubes filled with jewel-toned tomato chunks ready to be analyzed using gas chromatography. Klee’s goal is to identify the primary genes that govern these volatile compounds and therefore the “flavor” of heirloom varieties and to use that information to help build (breed) a better-tasting commercial tomato.

I asked Klee to what extent light recipes can change the way fruits and vegetables taste, and how much control indoor farmers really have.

“While I’m sure light will have an effect on flavor, I don’t believe that anyone has really quantified it,” Klee wrote in an email. “Lots of growth factors do influence flavor. Salt, fertilizer, amount of sunlight, water . . . I don’t think anyone has systematically set out to define the variables.”

A box of Oishii's vertically farmed strawberries. September 2020

Jessica McKenzie

The author purchased Oishii’s boxed strawberries in New York City. Each Omakase Berry cost a little over $4.50.

Echoing Tepper, he said, “You have to appreciate that, to get useful data on flavor, one really needs to do this in a thorough way with consumer panels and these are expensive. It’s just a really complicated problem.”

In the end, the variety of seeds probably matters more than any light source or growing condition. “If you were going to take just some utilitarian tomato breed and [used] all your magic and hydroponics and all the tools available,” Mazourek said, “you’re never going to have, like, an exquisitely delicious tomato.”

But tweaking flavors and other characteristics in indoor farms can be susceptible to the same pitfalls as plant breeding. As in the Rutgers and AeroFarms experiment, making leafy greens healthier might also make them too bitter. A change that makes a plant sweeter could also reduce its shelf life, or lower its nutritional value. Improvements in taste could negatively impact yield, and vice versa. Who’s to say that an indoor farming company will always prioritize flavor over other more profitable characteristics, like yield, or faster growth?

Even if consumers get looped into the process, who’s to say that they know what’s best for them?

“If you just leave a consumer panel to their own devices,” Mazourek said, they’ll typically choose whatever is sweetest.

In spite of the limitations and challenges outlined above, interest in indoor farming’s potential remains sky-high, especially with those invested in space exploration. The National Aeronautics and Space Administration, for example, has funded research into indoor farming for years. “On the way to Mars, we’re going to take as many seeds as we can, but we can’t take all seeds,” Trent Smith, who leads the Veggie project at the Kennedy Space Center, said in a phone call earlier this year. “So if you can take a plant and then if you give it different light algorithms, you can change the nutritional composition of that plant, or you can change the taste of that plant, then you can kind of fine tune it for the crews’ preferences, or for the crews medical needs.”

One of the projects NASA has funded is a study of self-sustaining crop production by Freight Farms and Clemson University, which would come in handy in space, or in harsh climates that are unsuitable for agriculture.

“I don’t think we’ve seen the limits yet, we’ve just scratched the surface,” said Freight Farms’ Friedman. “There’s a lot of room to grow, pun intended.”

The NASA-funded study is a reminder that the rise of controlled environment agriculture over the past few years has been against the backdrop of climate change, which is often explicitly or implicitly evoked as a raison d’être for indoor farms.

Maybe the fantasy of perfectly-controlled climate farms is so compelling is because the actual climate—the one we live in—is anything but.

As Musk told me: “You can adjust [the light] spectrum by the minute, you can change the heat, you can create climate that is perfectly controlled.” If perfectly-controlled climate is the commodity indoor farms are selling, maybe the reason it’s so compelling is because the actual climate—the one we live in—is anything but.

It’s not enough that in an apocalyptic future, humankind will have indoor farming to fall back on. In the techno-utopian vision of indoor farming companies, their strawberries and basil will be as good as the best—almost no matter what befalls the earth. In this future, consumers don’t have to lose or sacrifice anything when climate change wreaks havoc on agriculture. If it’s too hot for strawberries to grow in Japan, that’s okay, because we can grow them inside in New Jersey, yours for just $50 a box. Even if you had to cancel your summer vacation to Italy because of a global pandemic—now increasingly likely due to climate change—you can still make pesto with basil grown in a “climate farm” inspired by Genoa.

It doesn’t matter, in this telling, if the science behind these flavor claims is still emerging. It doesn’t matter if we know little about what growing methods were used. It doesn’t even matter if, in the course of “improving” upon the conditions of 1997-era Genoa to grow better, faster basil, the indoor farm loses whatever tenuous connection it had to the “somewhereness” of the Italian countryside.

Genoa makes for a better story.

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]]> Wiped out: Safeway sued for price gouging toilet paper and other supplies https://thecounter.org/covid-19-albertsons-safeway-sued-price-gouging-toilet-paper/ Thu, 11 Jun 2020 16:46:51 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=44751 Remember March? That was when the coronavirus pandemic forced offices across the country to close and companies told their employees to work from home—if they didn’t fire or furlough them instead. Facing a public health crisis with an unknown trajectory, people prepared for the worst, stripping grocery stores of hand sanitizer and disinfectant, but also […]

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Where is the line between basic laws of supply and demand and predatory price hikes that hurt poor shoppers the most?

Remember March? That was when the coronavirus pandemic forced offices across the country to close and companies told their employees to work from home—if they didn’t fire or furlough them instead. Facing a public health crisis with an unknown trajectory, people prepared for the worst, stripping grocery stores of hand sanitizer and disinfectant, but also of products like flour and yeast and, yes, toilet paper.

The dueling headlines back then were either about empty shelves, or predatory price gouging. A New York Times article about a Tennessee man who purchased 17,700 bottles of hand sanitizer intending to sell them at a markup online inspired thousands of angry comments on social media, and Matt Colvin became a target for hate mail and death threats.

Earlier in the pandemic, hoarders were blamed for wiping out toilet paper in stores as well, but the reality is a little more complicated. Think of those hundreds of thousands of office workers now toiling away from their beds, or couches, or kitchen tables—they used to go to the bathroom at work between the hours nine to five, approximately; now they go at home ‘round the clock. And most people at home buy the fancy quilted stuff, not the single-ply rolls you find in places like airports and fast food restaurants. Those two supply chains are separate and distinct—and after the pandemic hit, totally clogged up. (Similar dynamics have played out with milk, flour, and other supermarket staples.)

So prices went up, and up. 

This is not the first lawsuit over price gouging filed since the coronavirus pandemic began, or even the first time Albertsons has been named in such a case.

Last week a Safeway customer filed a class action lawsuit against the parent grocery chain Albertsons for selling essential items at inflated prices in violation of a California law that prevents price increases greater than 10 percent during a state of emergency.

Eleisha Redmond says she paid $19 for a package of Angel Soft toilet paper that would normally be less than $11 at the same location in San Francisco after California declared a state of emergency on March 4.

You don’t have to look far to find other discontented shoppers.

One complained on Twitter that she paid $37.98 for two bottles of hand sanitizer (that’s $18.99 a pop); another said two rolls of paper towels were selling for $12.99; another paid $8.99 for a bottle of disinfectant.

This is not the first lawsuit over price gouging filed since the coronavirus pandemic began, or even the first time Albertsons has been named in such a case. In late April, a group of consumers filed a lawsuit against a slew of stores including Whole Foods, Walmart, Trader Joe’s, Costco, Amazon, Albertsons, and Kroger Co. for tripling the price of eggs after a state of emergency was declared.

National chains like Albertsons and Walmart can simply shift products from unaffected regions to the area with greater demand without needing to increase prices too much.

Steven Horwitz, an economist from Ball State University, says the cases in California are unusual in that they target large chains, when it is more common to see cases against smaller brick-and-mortar stores. This is in part because smaller stores have fewer resources and are more likely to settle than to fight a lawsuit. But it is also because most crises that result in food or supply shortages are regional; a hurricane that hits the East coast, for example, has a negligible effect on the rest of the country. National chains like Albertsons and Walmart can simply shift products from unaffected regions to the area with greater demand without needing to increase prices too much.

The coronavirus pandemic isn’t like that. While it has hit some states, some regions, and some cities harder than others, it has impacted the entire country, so the entire country needs a few in-demand products.

While there is no federal law against price gouging, Michael C. Munger, an economist at Duke University, says 34 states have some kind of anti-price gouging law, and governors will sometimes use an executive order during an emergency to prohibit price gouging, too. The laws vary from state to state, but usually only apply during a state of emergency and to essential items, which can include food, water, gas, shelter and, apparently, toilet paper. Governments may limit the percentage that stores can increase prices—under 20 percent is reasonable, but over 20 percent is excessive—or set a price ceiling for certain items. Some restrictions are vague and up for interpretation. Munger points out that the law in North Carolina bans price increases that are “unreasonably excessive under the circumstances.”

Price gouging laws are meant to protect consumers from being taken advantage of during crises.

“If I’m a store owner, how do I know if I’m violating the law in North Carolina?” Munger says. “In practice, what this means is, ‘If someone complains….’ That’s not a very good law. If I can’t tell what the law means, it’s too vague.”

Price gouging laws are meant to protect consumers from being taken advantage of during crises. They are founded on the popular idea that companies and individuals should not profit from others’ misfortunes.

This is in spite of the fact that many economists, including Munger and Horwitz, would rather let market forces dictate prices, even if that means steep short-term inflation.

“I don’t think the companies did anything wrong,” says Horwitz, referring to those named in the California cases. “It’s a bad law.”

Munger explains that increasing prices on in-demand products serves several functions: it discourages people from buying more than they need; it tells producers to make more of this newly valuable product; and it nudges people into looking for alternatives. (Think: People investing in bidets because toilet paper is so expensive, or the sourdough bread boom that happened to coincide with a yeast shortage).

Munger acknowledges that the poorest customers are the ones hurt the most, whether prices are artificially capped and the stores sell out, or if stores let the market dictate price and the wealthiest buy up the supply.

Still, Munger acknowledges that price gouging evinces an emotional response in people—just look at the vitriolic response to the hand sanitizer hoarder in Tennessee—and that anti-price gouging laws are very popular.

Unfortunately, higher prices are no solution to what Munger calls the Bill Gates problem, in which wealthy customers pay more for items “just in case,” simply because they can, clearing out store shelves before others have a chance to shop.

In either system, Munger acknowledges that the poorest customers are the ones hurt the most, whether prices are artificially capped and the stores sell out, or if stores let the market dictate price and the wealthiest buy up the supply.

“There’s no difference for poor people,” Munger says. “In both systems, the shelves are empty. The only way to get the shelves refilled for poor people is high prices.” Temporarily, at least.

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]]> Here’s why CSAs were in trouble before the pandemic https://thecounter.org/csas-struggle-convenience-choice-veggie-boxes/ Tue, 28 Apr 2020 17:28:21 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=42138 There have never been more ways to get fresh produce sent to your home, from basic grocery delivery services; to “misfit” and “ugly” veggie startups; to bespoke, plant-based meal kits. But at the end of the day, what’s in a veggie box? Is it merely a collection of assorted produce, or is it a value […]

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Faced with an unparalleled number of options for purchasing local produce, CSA memberships have been declining for years.

There have never been more ways to get fresh produce sent to your home, from basic grocery delivery services; to “misfit” and “ugly” veggie startups; to bespoke, plant-based meal kits. But at the end of the day, what’s in a veggie box? Is it merely a collection of assorted produce, or is it a value system? Do you spend those dollars simply to fill your fridge, or are you also trying to support small farmers and local agriculture? Does it matter if the items are USDA-certified organic, or if some items are grown several states away? 

As veggie box delivery companies have proliferated, some small-scale farmers say it has become harder to run traditional community supported agriculture (CSA) operations, in which consumers buy a “share” of a local farm’s harvest at the beginning of the growing season. In return for this investment, share owners get a box of whatever produce was harvested. There’s an inherent gamble, in that the consumer shares the risks associated with farming. If it’s a bad year for tomatoes, they may not get any tomatoes. 

By contrast, produce delivery from start-ups like Misfits Market and regional companies like Local Roots offer a range of other conveniences, like home delivery, one-time add-ons (eg, bread or meat and dairy products), subscription pricing, and the option to pause your subscription at any time—if you have to go out of town, for example, or if you simply didn’t finish last week’s veggies. There’s also less risk, because these companies are typically buying from multiple farmers, so you’re going to get your veggies no matter what.

Ad hoc produce delivery companies don’t create community, and they don’t provide direct support to farmers.

But going through a third party means buyers aren’t directly supporting farmers. And that of course means farmers just aren’t making as much money in these scenarios as they would in traditional CSAs. They also don’t get an infusion of cash at the beginning of the season, when they need it most to buy seed and other supplies. Not to mention, farmers bear all the risk themselves—if they don’t have veggies to sell the veggie box companies, they don’t get anything at all.

In response to a rapidly changing market, some farmers have scaled back or altered their models to compete with the offerings from Silicon Valley-type start-ups; others have stopped running CSAs altogether.

“We had over 500 members at our height,” says April Yuds, who runs LotFotL (“living off the fat of the land”) Community Farm in Elkhorn, Wisconsin, with her partner, Tim Huth. “Our farm was growing significantly each year, so we were projecting growth. And the [negative] shift in the market happened very swiftly … we had to sell equipment, we had to cut our staff back and take on debt … all while, every year for the last five years, our CSA income decreased.”

Yuds says that other farmers in their area decided not to do CSAs anymore, or had to close their farms down entirely.

“There were lots of nights where I wondered if we would make it to another year or if we were gonna need to make more aggressive change, like one of us taking on a different type of full-time work,” Yuds says. “We both now have part-time jobs.”

Community-supported agriculture is not just about the veggies; it’s an alternative socioeconomic model that connects eaters directly with growers and producers.

Even if consumers want to support farmers directly, distinguishing between “real” CSAs and other types of food delivery services is only getting more difficult. As start-ups have iterated on the weekly CSA veggie box of yore—sometimes even calling their products CSAs—CSAs have scrambled to compete with their start-up competitors. 

“We think of traditional CSAs as a box of food delivered weekly,” says Lydia Zepeda, professor emerita of consumer science at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “A lot of those are going online and actually becoming more like food hubs. They’re selling products like bread and eggs and other things from different farmers…it’s looking more and more like a food delivery system.”

But crucial differences remain: Ad hoc produce delivery companies don’t create community, and they don’t provide direct support to farmers.

“When I see advertisements for food boxes or mail order food … even though they might assure you that it’s organically grown or that they’re supporting farmers in their area, you personally are not connecting with those farmers,” says Eliza Lamphere, who ran a CSA in Vermont and then in upstate New York. “And also … where is the money going? Because when you support a CSA, you’re giving the money directly to the farmer.”

“One of the biggest obstacles we saw with the old model was the food people were getting wasn’t really working for their life.”

Community-supported agriculture is not just about the veggies; it’s an alternative socioeconomic model that connects eaters directly with growers and producers, circumventing the network of processors and distributors that food usually passes through on the way from farm to table. Buying a veggie box from a start-up reintroduces middlemen, and every time you do that the farmer loses income. “When you go online and buy a food box, the money is going to go to the company that is marketing it,” says Lamphere. “The person that grows the food is the last person that gets paid, and they’re getting paid market prices, which are usually lower than what a farmer that runs a CSA is going to get paid.”

On the other hand, online produce delivery services can be more convenient for the consumer.

“So many of those kinds of programs do offer more flexibility,” says farmer Laura Labovitz, who wants to start a CSA in Georgia after moving there from Colorado, but can’t find anyone—even among friends and family—willing to pay for the entire season up front.

Having to pay for a full season of produce has always been a hurdle for some consumers, especially those on a limited budget. Not to mention, the rigidity of a weekly pickup can also be a challenge for single individuals or those with irregular work schedules. Ordering week-to-week can be more affordable and manageable for many.

“The people that came to our farm every week and saw what we were doing, saw the fields, saw us working hard … they stuck with us through that. People that didn’t stick with us—that didn’t return the following year—were the people that never set foot on our farm.”

But that model doesn’t foster community, which can be as much a part of a CSA as the produce. When Lamphere ran a CSA, she even saw a difference between shareholders who picked up on the farm, and those who picked up a bag of produce from a distribution site.

During her first year running a CSA, Lamphere says they lost crops and weren’t able to give their customers what they would have liked to have delivered. “That first year was just like, a really hard season,” Lamphere says. “We just had a lot of setbacks.”

Even so, she adds, “The people that came to our farm every week and saw what we were doing, saw the fields, saw us working hard … they stuck with us through that. People that didn’t stick with us—that didn’t return the following year—were the people that never set foot on our farm.”

Aside from anecdotal reports of hardship, it is tough to know how much CSAs are hurting nationally because the government has not collected data on CSAs in a consistent manner. But what we do know, doesn’t look good.

“What people think of as CSAs are generally vegetables, being pulled directly from farms, but there’s salmon CSAs, and there are chocolate CSAs, and there are beer CSAs and, you know, it gets really fuzzy.”

The Department of Agriculture conducts a complete count of United States farms, ranches, and the people who operate them every five years or so. In 2012, there were 12,617 community supported ag operations—a slight increase over the 12,549 CSAs counted in 2007, the first year the agency asked about them.

But just a few years later, according to the 2015 Local Food Marketing Practices Survey, there were only 7,398 CSA operations, a precipitous drop—more than 40 percent—from the 2012 figure.

Even though those estimates come from different sources, Virginia Harris, who works for the National Agricultural Statistics Service, writes that the figures from 2012 and 2015 can be compared, with the caveat that the 2015 count is less precise. But, even taking that into consideration, the two data points show a significant contraction in the CSA market. (Unfortunately, there is not a comparable figure from the 2017 census.) 

The challenge of tracking and counting CSAs is compounded by the fact that the term “CSA” is not regulated.

“We don’t have a standard for what is a CSA, there’s no definition,” explains Zepeda. “What people think of as CSAs are generally vegetables, being pulled directly from farms, but there’s salmon CSAs, and there are chocolate CSAs, and there are beer CSAs and, you know, it gets really fuzzy.”

“CSAs have the opportunity to grow because more and more people are becoming aware of their carbon footprint, they are becoming aware of why it’s important to support local farmers and why it’s important to support organic operations.”

The flexibility inherent in the term isn’t always a bad thing, though. Largely as a result of the disruptive influence of veggie box start-ups, some farmers have made drastic changes to stay competitive. But that doesn’t have to mean compromising on their values.

“We started to see the CSA market shifting, and our numbers of our membership was dropping, other farmers’ membership was dropping, and we definitely realized that we needed to be flexible and make some changes in order to stay resilient and keep doing this,” says Yuds. So she and Huth took the time to think about why they ran a CSA in the first place, and what matters to them most. “We valued community and we really wanted to be building community around local food. So, we wanted to design a program where we were interacting and engaging with our customers more face to face.”

The format they landed on is appropriately called “Choice.” Members are charged based on household size, and every week they can come visit what is essentially a farmers’ market on wheels and take what they need for the week: vegetables, meat, cheese, locally baked bread, eggs, etc. What they take is entirely up to them, so if they are allergic to nightshades like tomatoes and eggplant, they never have to take tomatoes or eggplant. It’s the ultimate honor system.

“It’s very, very different from any CSA that I’ve ever seen,” says Yuds. “Takes a little to wrap your head around it.”

The Choice program brings in more money than a normal share, and Yuds said last year was the first time in years that their CSA income grew.

They post some guidelines, like only taking around $15-20 worth of meat per adult, but Yuds says nothing is carved in stone and she rarely sees anyone taking so much of something that it raises an eyebrow.

“One of the biggest obstacles we saw with the old model was the food people were getting wasn’t really working for their life,” she says. “They might not get enough to make the recipe that they had, so they had to go to the store or the market anyway to supplement it; it was food they didn’t like; they had food sensitivities; there’s lots of different-sized families. So this became a model that could really embrace all of the diversity in your customer base.”

The model provides more flexibility for consumers, but maintains the direct connection to the farmer, and the direct financial support. Last year they had about 85 households in the Choice program, and about 45 others who signed up for a more traditional veggie box. That’s a far cry from their peak of 500 members, but the Choice program brings in more money than a normal share, and Yuds said last year was the first time in years that their CSA income grew. That said, they are still not where they were at their peak.

“We have found a good new CSA-like path that has created some protection against these “threats,” says Huth, “but have been through the ringer of decline, and are still not fully recovered.” 

While some CSAs have closed up shop, others are still cropping up. Labovitz says she is going to start a limited CSA in Georgia that people can buy on a week-to-week basis, since there hasn’t been much interest in signing on for a whole season up front. She plans on starting small, with just 10 boxes a week to family, friends, and friends of friends.

“I don’t think they [CSAs] are going away,” says Labovitz. “I think that if anything they have the opportunity to grow because more and more people are becoming aware of their carbon footprint, they are becoming aware of why it’s important to support local farmers and why it’s important to support organic operations…there’s that chance for growth and that chance for education.”

When asked for final thoughts, Yuds urged consumers to educate themselves.

“I really think that food choices are confusing for consumers, and there’s so many assumptions that people make,” she says. “So I encourage consumers to think about their food values and make sure that what they’re buying matches that.”

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]]> Will Michelob’s organic beer really transform American farmland? https://thecounter.org/michelob-ultra-organic-beer-super-bowl/ Mon, 17 Feb 2020 19:03:03 +0000 https://thecounter.org/?p=38818 The commercial opened on a lone, bearded farmer standing in a dark field. A narrator intoned meaningfully that less than 1 percent of American farmland is organic. But, the female voice continued, we could change that simply by buying Michelob Ultra Pure Gold, the first national, certified-organic beer brand. There was the pop and hiss […]

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Since Michelob is capping proceeds at $1 million, and only a few thousand acres will be impacted, farmers may benefit more from the company’s high-profile ad campaign.

The commercial opened on a lone, bearded farmer standing in a dark field. A narrator intoned meaningfully that less than 1 percent of American farmland is organic. But, the female voice continued, we could change that simply by buying Michelob Ultra Pure Gold, the first national, certified-organic beer brand. There was the pop and hiss of a twist-off bottle top, and suddenly we were in the club, only the club was a subway station and a woman carried a six-pack with her onto the train.

The bargain proposed in this splashy ad—which aired during the 2020 Super Bowl and juxtaposed scenes of hip urbanites, horseback riders, dancers, and surfers against idyllic panoramas of green and gold cropland—is that Michelob will deliver six square feet of organic farmland for every six-pack purchased. To be more specific, for every six-pack of Pure Gold sold, the company has committed to spending 2 cents, the annual cost of helping transition six square feet of farmland to organic through its Contract for Change program, to help conventional barley farmers transition to organic. 

“The idea behind the campaign was that it takes roughly 6 square feet of organic barley to brew one 6-pack of Michelob ULTRA Pure Gold,” a spokesperson wrote in an email to The Counter. “With each 6-pack sold, we’re helping transition the amount of land needed to produce the barley used to brew it.”

The brewer said the funds will be distributed as “transitional barley premiums,” meaning Michelob will commit to buying grain from farmers in the process of transitioning to organic at a higher price point than conventional barley, even before the grain is certified organic. (Paying slightly more for transitional products is increasingly common these days.)

According to the fine print, Michelob’s contributions are capped at $1 million. So how big will the initiative’s impact really be?

A promotional image highlights the potential impact of Michelob ULTRA Pure Gold in farm country

A promotional image highlights the potential impact of Michelob ULTRA Pure Gold in farm country

Michelob

Let’s do the math. We, the public, will need to buy 50 million six-packs of Pure Gold for Michelob to give $1,000,000 to Contract for Change. Given that the purchase of each six-pack is intended to help convert six square feet to organic, that means Michelob will help convert up to 300 million square feet of farmland. That sounds like a lot.

But consider that figure in the context of the almost 900 million acres of farmland in the United States. There are 43,560 square feet in an acre, so 300 million square feet is really only about 6,887 acres, or less than .003 percent of the total U.S. barley acreage

Something else to note is that it takes three years to transition to organic. If 2 cents is the per-year cost of that transition, that acreage should really be divided by three—so the funds raised by Michelob’s Contract for Change will convert less than 2,300 acres of barley to organic across three years. That’s less than .001 percent of America’s total barley acreage.

Michelob, a brand owned by the massive multinational company AB InBev, is also working with the California Certified Organic Farmers (CCOF) Foundation to give an additional $500,000 to other growers—not just barley farmers—who want to go organic, in the form of $5,000 grants.

That’s 100 grants, which doesn’t seem so shabby. But evidence suggests that AB InBev spent much more on marketing than it will raise for farmers. Consider this: Since the average cost of a 30-second Super Bowl ad in 2020 was $5.6 million, it is not unreasonable to estimate that the 60-second Pure Gold commercial cost $10 million or more to run during the big game. (Michelob’s spokesperson declined to comment on its media spend.) As one skeptical Reddit user observed, “Michelob Spent $10 Million on a Super Bowl Ad To Tell Us They’ll Donate $1 Million To Farmers If We Spend $450 Million Buying Their Beer.

“It takes roughly 6 square feet of organic barley to brew one 6-pack of Michelob ULTRA Pure Gold.”

“This is likely about Michelob wanting to increase supply of organic grains so it can source cheaper ingredients for its beer,” Amanda Zaluckyj, an attorney and blogger, opined for AgDaily. “Anheuser-Busch is only looking out for Anheuser-Busch.”

But a case of faux-lanthropy is not the whole story here. Whether Michelob is responding to or driving consumer demand for organic products—or both—the Super Bowl commercial put organic agriculture at the center of the conversation. While the ad reignited a mostly one-sided Twitter debate about the value of organic, others were grateful for the attention. In conversations with The Counter, growers, agriculturalists, and craft brewers celebrated the campaign for its potential to educate the public.

“I thought it was incredibly exciting, the commitment to organic and the thoughtfulness in terms of the challenges that new organic farmers face,” said Erin Silva, who leads the University of Wisconsin Organic and Sustainable Agriculture Research and Extension program. “Just to have a well-known company like Anheuser-Busch be able to so publicly, in a Super Bowl ad, state that commitment and bring consumers on as partners in that process was just really, really encouraging.”

Barry Labendz, owner of a farm brewery in Connecticut called Kent Falls Brewing Co., said the campaign is similar to a concept the Northeast Grainshed created to generate enthusiasm for beers and breads made with locally grown grain (although its focus is on “local,” not “certified organic”). The Northeast Grainshed created a tool for use by brewers in calculating the square feet of barley required to produce a pint, so they can pass that information on to their customers.

As Labendz explained to The Counter, if consumers don’t buy beer made with local malt, his brewery can’t support local farms. “If we make a beer and it sits on a shelf and nobody buys it, it doesn’t do anybody any good,” he said.

Labendz wants people to make the connection between the beer, the malt, the barley, and the land, and said the Michelob commercial might make that easier. “I was just glad that this idea was incepted to millions and millions of people and it’s easier to now communicate our idea,” he said. “I tell somebody, when you buy my can of beer, you keep four square feet in local agriculture.”

Why does Kent Falls use four times as much grain as Michelob to brew a single beer? Because not all beers are created equal. Each beer has its own signature proportion of malt, the treated grain (most often barley) used in the brewing process. The color, the flavor, the foam, all comes from the malt, said Paul Schwarz, a professor of plant science at the Institute of Barley and Malt Sciences at North Dakota State University. And you just don’t need that much of it to make a light, 85-calorie lager like Michelob Ultra Pure Gold.

Brewing an ultra-light organic beer, one that’s even lower in calories than the non-organic Michelob Ultra, allows AB InBev to produce a large number of certified organic six-packs using a comparatively low amount of organic grain. If transforming America’s farmland was a top priority for Michelob, as its commercial suggested, the company could really ramp up demand for organic barley by brewing beer that needs two or three times as much organic grain.

But perhaps that oversimplifies the reality of supply chains.

“It takes years to develop a market and then to get the supply for that market,” said Andrea Stanley, who co-owns a craft malthouse in Massachusetts called Valley Malt. Most of the grain Valley Malt sources is conventional, but Stanley said that just because farmers aren’t certified organic doesn’t mean they are always chemically spraying their fields. “There’s such a spectrum,” she said.

According to USDA, there were 51,254 acres of organic barley harvested nationwide in 2016. Although the commercial didn’t specify that the initiative was focused on a particular region of the country, Michelob is homing in on Idaho, where its spokesperson said the company plans to increase the number of organic barley growers contracted by Michelob from six to 30.

Not all of the impediments to going organic are structural or financial.

In 2016, Idaho grew 14,544 acres of organic barley. As the spokesperson pointed out, increasing that total by 6,887 acres would increase the organic barley acreage in the state by more than 45 percent. But you could frame the same statistic another way: Michelob’s program will transition only 1.25 percent of Idaho’s 550,000 acres of barley to organic. 

Even if Michelob can make a difference in Idaho, what about the rest of the country? The reality is, not all of the impediments to going organic are structural or financial.

“It would be nice to see more farmland transition to organic,” said Schwarz, who works with growers as well as the industry. “At least in North Dakota … [barley] is prone to a disease called scab or Fusarium head blight. That disease produces a mycotoxin on the grain and in our area virtually everyone has to apply fungicide to meet quality specs.”

Right now, Idaho is largely free of Fusarium head blight. The fungus thrives in wet environments, and it is thought that dry southwesterly winds coming off the High Plains desert help prevent infection in the southeastern part of the state. That explains why Idaho is one of the top states in organic barley production, and why Michelob is building up its organic supply chain there. That said, the regional climate is changing, and warmer, wetter conditions are predicted in the near future, which could make Idaho barley more susceptible to the disease.

All things considered, Michelob’s ad campaign could be more valuable in the culture wars than in actually changing … what was it the commercial’s narrator said? Right: “If every football fan picks up a six-pack, we could change America’s organic farmland forever.” What does that even mean?

It’s a Super Bowl ad. We expect the claims to be hyperbolic, to appeal more to our emotions than our intellects. Still, you almost have to admire the sleight-of-hand Michelob pulls off here: The company manages to sounds like it’s pledging to change America’s farmland forever, while also managing not to say anything of the kind.

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]]> The misbegotten promise of anaerobic digesters https://thecounter.org/misbegotten-promise-anaerobic-digesters-cafo/ Tue, 03 Dec 2019 14:30:43 +0000 https://thecounterorg.wpengine.com/?p=20392 At a glance, anaerobic digesters seem like the perfect solution to one of society’s many messes: They take the waste from cows, pigs, and chickens raised en masse for human consumption, and from literal shit generate energy to power our cars, homes, and electronics. What could be more renewable than manure? To that end, last […]

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Federal agencies and state governments are spending millions on anaerobic digesters to wring renewable energy from animal poop. But critics say “cow power” from factory farms is neither clean nor green.

At a glance, anaerobic digesters seem like the perfect solution to one of society’s many messes: They take the waste from cows, pigs, and chickens raised en masse for human consumption, and from literal shit generate energy to power our cars, homes, and electronics. What could be more renewable than manure?

To that end, last year, the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) announced $16 million in funding for new and existing on-farm anaerobic digesters, an additional windfall for a sector that has already received more than $26 million from the agency. It’s a big investment, but NYSERDA is just one government agency bankrolling the digester industry: A database of renewable energy policies and programs across the country lists 96 financial incentives for anaerobic digesters, including property tax reductions, corporate tax credits, loan programs, grant programs, and performance-based incentives.

Methane reactor

Because methane is calculated to be 25 times more potent a greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide, burning it for fuel and releasing carbon dioxide is still considered to be a greenhouse gas reduction

The thing is, digesters are expensive: expensive to build, expensive to maintain. They can sometimes generate enough energy to power an entire farm, reducing one big bill and offsetting the cost of the digester, but the excess energy isn’t usually so excessive that selling it back to the grid nets the farm significant profits. Without outside funding, it simply doesn’t make financial sense for most farms to build or operate a digester. The question is, do the environmental benefits justify significant—and ongoing—public investment?

Critics say absolutely not. While biogas from digesters may be renewable, it is hardly “clean” or “green” in the way most people understand those concepts. The biogas produced through anaerobic digestion is a mix of methane, carbon dioxide, and other trace gases. Burning biogas for energy converts methane into carbon dioxide, and also produces carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, sulfur dioxide, and other hazardous air pollutants. The carbon dioxide generated during anaerobic digestion and during the combustion of methane is released into the atmosphere. 

The only reason that anaerobic digesters can be considered a “green” technology is because methane is calculated to be 25 times more potent a greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide, so burning it for fuel and releasing carbon dioxide into the atmosphere instead is still considered to be a greenhouse gas “reduction.”

Manure releases methane only when it decomposes in oxygen-free (anaerobic) conditions, like a pit or lagoon.

But are digesters even necessary? Around 80 percent of digesters in the U.S. are on dairy farms, but methane emissions from manure deposited on fields from pastured cows are virtually nil. Manure releases methane only when it decomposes in oxygen-free (anaerobic) conditions, like a pit or lagoon. Most of the livestock farms that store manure in pits or lagoons are large concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) where animals are confined for more than 45 days of the year. So, critics say, anaerobic digesters are solving problems only created by large-scale factory farming in the first place, problems that are avoided in more sustainable systems, especially pasture-based ones. 

This purportedly green technology has divided environmentalists into two camps: The first, which includes organizations like the World Wildlife Fund and the Environmental Defense Fund, are those who think that anaerobic digesters make the best of a bad, but inevitable, situation. The second group, which includes Food & Water Watch, says the government is greenwashing and subsidizing factory farming at the expense of sustainable producers and genuinely clean, renewable energy like wind and solar.

***

Every day, a 1,400-pound dairy cow will generate about 120 pounds or 14 gallons of feces and urine. At larger dairies, that can really add up. Take Fair Oaks Farms in Indiana, for example, home to 38,000 dairy cows. One of Fair Oaks’ on-site digesters takes in 650,000 gallons of manure from 15,000 cows every day—and that is less than half of the manure the farm produces. It is an almost unfathomable amount of cow crap. Without a digester, disposing of it all is tricky, and the more you have, the harder it is.

There are two options for most farms—spreading and storing, or some combination of the two. Daily spreading is exactly what it sounds like: Collecting the manure, loading it into a mechanized spreader, driving out, and spraying it on cropland and pasture. Manure is rich in essential soil nutrients—nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium—so it can be a good fertilizer, and as long as the spreading is done quickly, it emits very little methane. However, daily spreading has some downsides, especially if one has to spread when conditions are poor: Spreading on saturated ground can compact and degrade the soil, and spreading too heavily or in the winter when the ground is frozen can result in manure run-off. While nitrogen, phosphorous, and potassium can be beneficial for cropland, excessive amounts in streams, rivers, and lakes can cause toxic algal blooms and hypoxia, leading to aquatic “dead zones” where marine life can’t survive.

The alternative to spreading is to indefinitely store the manure until it can either be spread on the ground or hauled away. Smaller farms might stockpile dry manure under a tarp or in a three-sided structure with an impervious floor, to prevent the manure from contaminating the water table, or they might compost it with straw and other organic waste.

manure-pool

Giant swimming pools of liquid manure are oxygen-free environments, and manure stored in them releases methane, carbon dioxide, and other noxious gases that can be fatal

Larger farms are more likely to build giant pits or lagoons to store liquid manure. Like digesters, these giant swimming pools of liquid manure are oxygen-free environments, and manure stored in them releases methane, carbon dioxide, and other noxious gases that can be fatal to humans and animals. They are also vulnerable to structural failures and extreme weather events, which can cause storage pits to overflow or leak. 

After Hurricane Florence in 2018, millions of gallons of hog manure flooded North Carolina. In 2013 alone, Wisconsin farms spilled more than one million gallons of manure. These accidents pollute the environment with nitrogen, phosphorous, and potassium, but raw manure can also contain hormones, antibiotics, and bacteria like E. coli. And then there’s the smell.

Anaerobic digesters were supposed to help with all that.

***

With only 400 cows, Wagner Farms is an unusually small dairy to have an on-site anaerobic digester, and the smallest in New York to own and operate one. Less than 15 miles from Albany, the surrounding area is surprisingly suburban, with single-family homes set into neatly trimmed lawns.

Keith Wagner, the farm’s anaerobic digester operator, says their location restricts how much the third-generation family farm can grow: Fields are smaller and harder to come by near Albany than they are in the western part of the state. That was one reason Wagner Farms invested in an anaerobic digester a decade ago.

Anaerobic Digester Facts and Trends
Source: AgSTAR Livestock Anaerobic Digester Database The chart below shows the growth in the number of cumulative operating digester projects on livestock farms

“The idea was, instead of growing larger, you know, we wanted to grow vertically instead of horizontally,” Wagner says, although the payoff hasn’t been as high as they hoped. Wagner would like to see New York institute something like Vermont’s Cow Power program, which pays farmers for the energy generated, plus an additional four-cents per kilowatt-hour “for the environmental benefits.”

Even just 400 cows produce a lot of manure. It’s collected in an enormous vat housed in an outbuilding with red siding and a sloped roof. The manure is scraped directly from the surrounding barns into the pit with a skidsteer, which is kind of like a snow plow, but used here for cow poop; the rest is hauled in with a dump truck and unloaded “right here where we’re standing.”

At our feet is a semi-circular hole at least eight feet wide, with an open metal flap like a giant’s toilet seat cover. The lid, rim, and floor are splattered with dark brown muck, and the adjacent walls are caked up to the ceiling. Inside the pit, a grayish, greenish-brown soup swirls, moved by submerged blades. The pit beneath our feet can hold 12,000 gallons of manure and Wagner says they get about that much every day. Periodically, unseen pipes empty their contents into the cauldron with a splash. A giant bubble of gas rises to the surface and bursts, thickly. The stench is momentarily overwhelming.

Interest in anaerobic digesters in the United States first peaked during the fuel shortages of the 1970s.

The shit slurry in front of me is the first step to converting manure into biogas through anaerobic digestion. Once in the pit, propellers agitate the manure so that it isn’t too clumpy or thick to pump. Wagner Farms sometimes adds food scraps to the mix, which both increases the amount of biogas produced and brings additional income to the farm in the form of “tipping fees,” or payment from towns or companies for disposing of food waste. The manure is pumped into the digester twice an hour, Wagner says, five to eight minutes at a time. The digester itself can hold up to 265,000 gallons of manure.

Inside the digester it’s basically like “one giant heated swimming pool,” says Wagner.

Bacteria eat the organic matter in the manure, producing methane, carbon dioxide, and trace amounts of ammonia and hydrogen sulfide. Those gases rise to the ceiling of the soft-top digester. The biogas is then piped from the digester to a generator that produces the electricity that powers the farm; any excess electricity is traded back to the grid through remote net metering and the Wagners get a credit on their next electricity bill.

The remaining effluent from the digester is separated into solids and liquids: The solid digestate is like fibrous compost, dry and fluffy to the touch when I crumbled a handful between my fingers. It smells earthy, but not unpleasantly so. Wagner Farms uses this as bedding for their cows. The liquid digestate flows into a pit lagoon to be later spread over the 1,000 acres on which Wagner Farms grows forage crops.

Farm waste management

A database of renewable energy policies and programs across the country lists 96 financial incentives for anaerobic digesters

Sometimes, the digester produces more biogas than the generator can handle. When I visited, excess methane from the digester was being regularly flared off—burned, but not for energy—so that the digester wouldn’t explode from being too pressurized. Essentially it was like watching money and energy disappear into the wind—greenhouse gas emissions with no benefit to Wagner Farms, or the energy grid. When asked how much methane is flared off, Wagner said he didn’t know because there wasn’t an incentive to monitor that.

***

Investment in anaerobic digesters in the United States first peaked during the energy crisis of the 1970s, when fuel shortages prompted many Americans to start thinking about energy alternatives. But enthusiasm waned in the ‘80s for several reasons: The price of oil dropped, digesters had a high rate of failure, and they became prohibitively expensive to fix and maintain. Around 85 percent of anaerobic digesters shut down, and by 1994 there were only 25 operating in the country.

Interest ticked back up again in the late 1990s, in part because of a growing awareness of the greenhouse effect and in part because communities near livestock farms were demanding something be done about the smell. A significant boost came during the Obama administration, when then-Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack announced that U.S. dairy farmers would cut greenhouse gas emissions by 25 percent. But some advocates for family-owned and operated farms had a problem with how Vilsack planned to achieve that.

To understand their frustration, it’s important to note that the past few decades have been especially difficult for small dairies, and many have been forced to shutter. The number of dairy farms in the United States has steadily fallen over the past half century, from 648,000 in 1970 to just 75,000 in 2006. In 2018, more than 2,700 dairy farms closed, bringing the total number of dairies in the country to just 37,468. But this drastic contraction has not affected all dairies equally: Between 2000 and 2006, the number of farms with 30 to 200 cows fell by 30 percent; in that same time period, the number of farms with at least 2,000 cows more than doubled.

One of Fair Oaks’ on-site digesters takes in 650,000 gallons of manure from 15,000 cows every day—and that is less than half of the manure the farm produces

One of Fair Oaks’ on-site digesters takes in 650,000 gallons of manure from 15,000 cows every day—and that is less than half of the manure the farm produces

At the same time, greenhouse gas emissions from the agricultural sector have increased by 8.8 percent since 1990, and the primary driver of that increase has been manure management. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) cites a 57.1 percent increase in combined methane and nitrous oxide emissions from livestock manure management systems.

Greenhouse gas emissions have increased largely because of farm consolidation, because farms over a certain size have virtually no other choice but to store liquid manure, which emits more greenhouse gas emissions than other manure management systems. When the Obama administration announced that they would reward those mega-dairies with lavish grants for anaerobic digesters, it irked the small farmers raising dairy herds in environmentally sustainable ways. As Paris Reidhead reported in 2010 for The Milkweed, a dairy news publication, the $20 million in funding for digesters was made available only for farms with at least 1,000 animal units; an animal unit is 1,000 pounds of animal flesh, or about 700 dairy cows.

“I was in Copenhagen at the event where Vilsack was promoting manure digesters as a solution to greenhouse gas emissions,” says John Peck, the executive director of Family Farm Defenders, a nonprofit organization in Wisconsin. “He admitted then that only 10 percent of U.S. farms will qualify.”

“It’s like a classic problem. We’re going to subsidize the worst actors to clean up their mess.”

Curt Gooch, senior extension associate at the Cornell PRO-DAIRY program—which has a contract with NYSERDA to provide support to the digester industry—thinks it’s entirely natural for government agencies to fund anaerobic digesters only on the biggest farms. “We know the economics of digesters will basically never work on a 500-cow dairy in New York,” he said. “So why would we put them on a 50-cow dairy?”

An alternative would be to put in place environmental regulations that compel agricultural producers with high greenhouse gas emissions to fund their own manure management solutions. Instead, the government forks over millions earmarked for addressing environmental problems to the very farms that create and profit from the pollution in the first place.

“It’s like a classic problem,” says Peck. “We’re going to subsidize the worst actors to clean up their mess.”

Bankrolling the worst actors with public money has, in at least one notable case in Wisconsin, backfired spectacularly. In 2010, Dane County contributed $3.3 million for the construction of an anaerobic digester to combat manure pollution in the local watershed and regional lakes. The digester failed again and again.

methane digester

Critics argue the government is incentivizing the dairy industry’s worst actors to continue with business as usual

As Jim Eichstadt reported in a 2015 issue of The Milkweed, in a five-month period in late 2013 and early 2014, there were three separate liquid manure spills totaling 435,000 gallons. In 2014, a fire and explosion blew the cover off one of the digesters, rendering it inoperable. On top of that, there were “numerous” air quality violations, Eichstadt wrote.

But even if all goes as planned with a digester, there are still likely to be negative environmental impacts from large operations. And it’s not just greenhouse gas emissions: Water pollution from manure management is also a huge issue. Nutrients like phosphorus don’t simply disappear in the digester, Peck points out.

Phosphorus pollution is a serious and growing problem, and contributes to those nasty algal blooms that can kill fish and other aquatic life, according to a 2018 study in Water Resources Research, a journal of the American Geophysical Union. And it’s not the only potential pollutant still present in digester effluent.

“A growing body of evidence has suggested that currently available and feasible agricultural technology and practices cannot be expected to eliminate discharges into groundwater from dairies.”

“The nitrogen that is in the manure to start with doesn’t magically go away in the digester,” says Brent Newell, Food Project Senior Attorney at Public Justice. “It’s either going to go up in the air as ammonia, or it’s going to be on the ground as, you know, excess nitrogen. It’s going to pollute groundwater.”

A monitoring report prepared for the Central Valley Regional Water Quality Control Board in California found alarming “groundwater impacts” from confined animal facilities throughout the region, essentially everywhere they looked. Many of these facilities used anaerobic digesters to deal with their waste. The report came to a sobering conclusion:

“A growing body of evidence has suggested that currently available and feasible agricultural technology and practices cannot be expected to eliminate discharges into groundwater from dairies, nor alter volume or character of those discharges so that they are at or below some applicable water quality objectives. Likewise, currently available and feasible technologies and practices are not expected to result in returning groundwater quality to drinking water standards in many aquifers.”

***

Farm being fertilized

Manure is rich in essential soil nutrients, and as long as the spreading is done quickly, it emits very little methane

Breese Hollow Dairy is 30 miles from Wagner Farms in Hoosick Falls, New York, a few miles shy of the Vermont border. The foothills of the Green Mountains frame a picturesque vision of 60 Jersey cows at pasture. The scene could have been ripped from a milk carton.

Chuck Phippen used to work on aircraft engines at Pratt & Whitney in Connecticut, but he wanted to be a grass-based dairy farmer, so 25 years ago he and his wife bought some land in Ilion, New York. When they moved the farm to Hoosick Falls 16 years ago, the 170 acres were half corn and half alfalfa. They converted everything that had been corn to a pasture mix: perennial ryegrass, orchard grass, and red clover.

Twice a day, Phippen brings the cows in to be milked, and then lets them back out to pasture. He does rotational grazing, meaning he’ll fence off part of the pasture for the cows and after a while move them to a different part of the pasture, so that the grass in the first area has time to recover and regrow.

Federal and state subsidies are creating perverse incentives for more and bigger factory farms.

Manure isn’t a problem in Breese Hollow. The cows go where they go. If they happen to be in the holding area, waiting to be milked, the manure is shoveled outside. There was a modest heap by a tractor, no more than knee high, waiting to be spread on the fields. Manure deposited at pasture emits negligible amounts of methane, and there is a growing body of research that responsibly grazing cows can help sequester carbon.

When the environmental benefits of anaerobic digesters are calculated, they are generally compared to the environmental costs of keeping manure in long-term storage, something that happens only on large farms with confined animals. They aren’t generally compared to the kind of grass-based system that Phippen practices. Pasture-based systems can be harder to scale, but farmers also get a premium price for milk from grass-fed cattle that can help make up for that.

Phippen points out that there are other environmental costs to keeping animals permanently confined, and these aren’t always accounted for when adding up the benefits of anaerobic digesters: You need to bring in grain that was grown far away in vast, unsustainable monocultures, so there is the financial and environmental toll of growing the feed and hauling it in by truck. Cows kept in confinement need more antibiotics to keep from getting sick, and chemicals to stave off hoof-rot from standing on concrete all day, every day. And then of course, if you need to build a digester to handle manure, that’s expensive, too.

Cow barn with solar panels

Some advocates believe the government is greenwashing and subsidizing factory farming at the expense of environmentally friendly producers

Phippen observes that sustainable, pasture-based dairies don’t make a lot of money for the larger agricultural industry—the feed producers and the antibiotics producers and the chemical companies and the anaerobic digester designers—which could explain the lack of investment in pasture-based systems that are better for the environment as a whole.

“I totally agree with soil health, and that might be a great thing,” says Phippen. “But who makes money off of that?”

***

Anaerobic digesters have received little critical coverage from the press. Local news outlets readily promote the “Save the farm, save the environment” storyline, and even national outlets uncritically describe biogas and methane as “renewable” or even “clean” energy sources. Just this weekend, NPR and PBS Newshour teamed up to report on the benefits of waste-to-energy systems on dairy farms.

Meanwhile, federal and state subsidies are creating perverse incentives for more and bigger factory farms: A Food & Water Watch report from earlier this year pointed out that, “multinational meat giant Smithfield Foods not only plans to push the U.S. factory farms that raise their animals to construct digesters, but also intends on building new factory farms specifically to tap into the potential to generate biogas.”

“The money being funneled into digesters is waste capital that should instead be invested in zero-emission renewable energy sources, like solar and wind.”

These perverse problems aren’t limited to the United States. Europe has wholeheartedly embraced biogas from anaerobic digesters as a “green” energy, but because processing poop alone doesn’t produce as much usable biogas as a mix of manure and food waste, some farmers have begun growing corn for the sole purpose of feeding digesters. As George Monbiot reported for The Guardian, that has been an environmental catastrophe, damaging soils and “threaten[ing] the fertility of the land, the health of our freshwater ecosystems and the homes at risk from flooding.”

“Biogas digesters are a false solution that do nothing to actually mitigate emissions from agriculture,” the Food & Water Watch report states. “On-farm digesters can cost anywhere from an estimated $400,000 to $5 million to construct depending on the size, design, and features. The money being funneled into digesters is waste capital that should instead be invested in zero-emission renewable energy sources, like solar and wind.”

Although the current administration isn’t known for loving renewable energy projects, the money is still flowing. As recently as July 2019, the USDA advertised a whopping $400 million in funding for renewable energy and energy efficiency projects for farms and other rural small businesses, which includes anaerobic digester projects. In New York, the $26 million that NYSERDA invested went to just 22 digesters—an enormous average per-project amount. And some of those operators could still get even more: Of the additional $16 million in funding that NYSERDA has announced, at least half is earmarked for refurbishing existing digesters.

Free stall cow barn

As recently as this July, the USDA has advertised a whopping $400 million to support projects like anaerobic digesters

“It’s a ton of money,” says Patty Lovera, food and water program director at Food & Water Watch. “And if that money is available from federal programs or state programs, let’s use that money for something better, to improve either renewable energy or farming practices.”

“This so-called solution, you know, further entrenches and subsidizes that corporate-controlled system,” says Newell. “We should be subsidizing family farmers who are doing the kinds of climate practices that benefit rural communities, financially and environmentally, and that put us on a path to where animal agriculture and agriculture in general is more regenerative and resilient and less extractive and exploitative.”

***

“[Dairy farmers] would always laugh and say, if manure ever became a problem, you were just too big for your britches.”

The appeal of anaerobic digesters is in their simplicity: power from poop, energy from waste. But this framing is misleading—energy production was always a byproduct, never the primary goal. (If energy production was the main incentive, one might expect the companies building, installing, and operating digesters to have done a better job eliminating inefficiencies, like the need to flare off excessive biogas.) Unfortunately, as a solution for manure management, anaerobic digesters are hardly a simple or complete solution, but rather one step in an insufficient and fallible process.

When it comes down to it, the problem is not really manure, because manure is a problem only in vast amounts.

“When I was growing up my neighbors were all dairy farmers,” says Peck. “And they would always laugh and say, if manure ever became a problem, you were just too big for your britches.”

The simplest solution is obviously to not amass manure in such large quantities—but that would require a complete reversal of assumptions about market consolidation and economies of scale. On the other hand, current milk production often exceeds demand, so maybe scale isn’t what is most needed right now, especially when mass production is strongly correlated with greater greenhouse gas emissions.

Taking steps to slow or reverse the consolidation of dairies and to encourage pasture-based farming could help curb air pollution that contributes to climate change. Instead, state and federal agencies are spending many millions on making giant factory farms that are too big for their britches marginally better for the environment, and calling it “green.”

Or at least, green enough.

“Nothing’s perfect. There isn’t a perfect solution for anything, and nobody in this world is perfect,” says Gooch. For supporters, anaerobic digesters may simply be the best farm waste solution we have—for now.

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]]> What happens if we eliminate crop insurance altogether? https://thecounter.org/eliminate-crop-insurance-subsidies-regenerative-ag/ Thu, 19 Sep 2019 20:35:34 +0000 http://thecounterorg.wpengine.com/?p=19411 Imagine for a moment, a possible future, some years ahead: Across the plains, acres that were once plowed up and planted to corn or wheat go back to native grass. Marginal, flood-prone land is left to return to wetlands, improving water quality downstream. Farmers diversify their operations in order to effectively manage risk in a […]

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Imagine for a moment, a possible future, some years ahead: Across the plains, acres that were once plowed up and planted to corn or wheat go back to native grass. Marginal, flood-prone land is left to return to wetlands, improving water quality downstream. Farmers diversify their operations in order to effectively manage risk in a changing climate. Monocropping is a thing of the past. 

Or this scenario, not so long from now: Growers adopt practices like no-till and cover cropping, which helps lower their inputs—the money spent on fertilizer, pesticides, seed, and anything else they need to get a crop in the ground. They turn a profit with ease. They may even switch to cheaper, non-GMO seeds and see profit margins swell.

In this future tableau, cattle are turned out to pasture on land that was once intensively farmed. Land managers plant low-cost grasses and other silage, and graze livestock on a portion of the land while the remaining acres are allowed to rest and regenerate. There’s always something growing in the soil, anchoring nitrogen, helping retain rainwater, and sequestering carbon.

“We’ll end up not being able to feed ourselves or be a productive society because we’ve become reliant upon subsidies.”
This is what American agriculture could one day look like, according to farmers, environmentalists, and economists. But first we’d have to get rid of federally subsidized crop insurance.

More than 300 million acres of cropland in the United States are covered by crop insurance. It’s absolutely essential to the success of American farmers and ranchers, at least according to the industry group, National Crop Insurance Services. It protects farmers from yield or revenue losses caused by natural disasters like drought, flooding, pests, or disease—even market volatility. Although administered by private insurance companies, this “essential” safety net is heavily subsidized. The federal government—the taxpayer, ultimately—chips in more than 60 percent of the premium, with farmers paying, on average, less than 40 percent of the cost of coverage.

That financial shield is a major factor for farmers in deciding what to plant where, and how much to spend on fertilizer and pesticides, because it essentially guarantees a minimum income on that land. But there have also been some mostly unintended consequences. This includes confusing guidelines that have, over time, discouraged farmers from planting cover crops like rye or clover, which anchor soil and nutrients during the off-season, and help stabilize yields through years both dry and wet. Practices, in other words, that could protect farmers from the very losses they end up needing crop insurance to recoup.

This conundrum has prompted calls for reform. Earlier this summer, I wrote about a time-consuming and costly effort to create crop insurance products that would reward farmers for adopting regenerative agriculture practices that are restorative, maintain natural systems, and rebuild the topsoil, thereby defending land against the inevitable ravages of a warming climate. 

Not long after my piece was published, someone popped into my Twitter mentions to make a case for what would be the most revolutionary reform of all: Toss out the federally subsidized crop insurance program altogether.

***

I followed up with some of the farmers who reached out to ask why they’d want to get rid of crop insurance and what a world without it might look like. One of them happens to know the program inside and out. Scott Dudek grows open-pollinated seed corn on 120 acres in Michigan, less than 15 minutes from the Canadian border; he also works as a crop insurance adjuster.

“I would like to see the subsidy part of it phased out,” Dudek says. “Let it become a private product completely.”

In his view, farmers are entirely too reliant on crop insurance.

“We’ll end up not being able to feed ourselves or be a productive society because we’ve become reliant upon subsidies,” he says.

While part of Dudek’s objection to subsidized crop insurance is rooted in his libertarian politics and preference for small government, he also says that getting rid of the subsidy completely would force farmers to adopt more conservation practices. As it is now, farmers don’t need to ensure that their soil is rich enough to sustain a crop even in dry years because they can just get an insurance payout if their yields are sub-par. Although there are a number of incentive programs to nudge farmers to start growing cover crops, at both state and federal levels, they haven’t spurred widespread adoption.

“We’re going to have to become better stewards of the land going forward if we’re to remain profitable,” Dudek says.

Two Iowa farmers display their cover cropping practices, which are not encouraged by crop insurance

It’s not just farmers who take issue with crop insurance. The non-profit, non-partisan Environmental Working Group (EWG) published a report in 2017, arguing that crop insurance policy as it exists now could lead us into another Dust Bowl. The report singles out a particularly egregious provision, the Actual Production History Yield Exclusion, which was slipped into the 2014 farm bill and is exacerbating the inherent problems with crop insurance.

Here’s how crop insurance coverage is normally determined: Adjusters calculate the average yield of a crop in a specific area over many years, which gives a reasonable estimate of what those acres might yield in the future. But the yield exclusion changes that equation, allowing farmers in some counties to exclude bad years from that estimate. And not just one or two bad years, but up to 12. This essentially means farmers can rewrite history, and pretend that the region isn’t as arid or bad for crops as it really is.

“Even if bad years occur more often than good years, the bad years are treated as aberrations and the good years as normal,” the authors of the report write. “Crop insurance becomes a form of annual income support that encourages farmers to keep planting crops that fail more often than they succeed.”

“There was a period where you could, as long as you planted corn, you were guaranteed a profit.”
This not only drives up the cost of subsidizing crop insurance for taxpayers, it’s causing long-term damage to the environment and the American landscape. High crop insurance payouts discourage farmers from adapting to the changing climate, and that could prompt another man-made environmental disaster like the Dust Bowl.

Anne Weir Schechinger, a senior analyst at EWG and co-author of the 2017 report, says the problems with crop insurance aren’t limited to the yield exclusion.

“When you’re subsidizing crop insurance, you have farmers planting riskier crops or bringing riskier acres into production,” Schechinger says. Studies show that crop insurance encourages more farmers to plant corn, because it is subsidized at a higher rate than other commodity crops, like soybeans. That may seem pretty innocuous, says Schechinger, until you consider that corn is often planted in lieu of winter wheat, which holds the soil in place during the colder months. So without winter wheat in the ground (or a cover crop like buckwheat or clover, which are still rare) there is going to be more erosion, and more nutrient runoff.

Schechinger says that marginal land, or land prone to drought or flooding, is more likely to be brought into production because of subsidized crop insurance. Although they might be riskier acres (read: more likely to fail) with drastically different yields from one year to the next, farmers don’t pay the full premiums that account for that risk, so it’s still worth it to them to plant and take a chance. This has environmental consequences: Because the land is prone to drought or flooding, it’s also prone to soil erosion and nutrient runoff, which degrade local water quality and can have serious consequences downstream, causing toxic algal blooms in all types of water bodies and hypoxic dead zones in the ocean.

“There was a period where you could, as long as you planted corn, you were guaranteed a profit,” says Loran Steinlage, who farms 750 acres in Iowa. Although it used to be almost all corn, Steinlage now grows corn, soybeans, buckwheat, rye, barley, and sunflowers, “a little bit of everything.”

Steinlage says as soon as people figured out that planting corn virtually guaranteed a profit, they started buying more land, raising rents and forcing out smaller operators.

Sandra Kay Miller has also seen problems in Pennsylvania, where she raises meat goats, lambs, and poultry on a 75-acre farm.

At its core, crop insurance was intended to help farmers deal with the unpredictability of their livelihood

“I have watched, for the last 20 years, so many abuses of the crop insurance program,” Miller says. “I’m so frustrated that this is what agriculture has come to.”

Miller says she has seen wetlands that have never been farmed before plowed up and planted. And year after year, the acres flood, and year after year, the crop insurance adjuster shows up.

***

In theory, producers should not be allowed to farm converted wetlands at all, or even highly erodible land, without a conservation system in place. But Seth Watkins says that enforcement of those rules is nearly nonexistent. (It is left up to states to monitor and hold farmers accountable, and they have limited resources to do so.) Watkins is a fourth-generation farmer from southwest Iowa. He runs a diversified operation on 3,000 acres, grazes around 600 cows, and grows a mix of alfalfa, hay, oats, and corn for silage.

“What breaks my heart is that, without some significant policy change, someone would buy it all up and turn it all into crops,” Watkins says. This possibility bothered him so much that he recently put his land into a conservation trust to ensure that will never happen.

Watkins doesn’t actually want to get rid of crop insurance, or at least, he doesn’t want to deprive farmers of a safety net.

“Our food system is pretty complex,” Watkins says. “I think the idea of revenue protection is great, as long as it’s supporting appropriate land use. What bothers me with federal crop insurance is it’s created an incentive to farm land that shouldn’t be farmed.”

Eliminating crop insurance would force every grower to be more creative, and more careful.
The problems with crop insurance have united a number of unlikely allies. On one side, you have environmental groups advocating for significant reforms to the federal program. This includes EWG and the Union of Concerned Scientists. On the other, you have conservative think tanks like the Heritage Foundation and the Cato Institute arguing for outright elimination (or, barring that possibility, significant reforms).

In a hefty 2016 report, the Heritage Foundation called the crop insurance program a “complete failure” and argued that it should have been eliminated decades ago.

“Federal coddling of the agriculture industry is deep and comprehensive,” Chris Edwards, director of tax policy studies at Cato, wrote in 2018. “Farm subsidies are costly to taxpayers, but they also harm the economy and the environment.”

Critics of crop insurance argue that farmers are not incentivized to implement regenerative agriculture practices

Some of the problems that these conservative think tanks identify are issues that might just as likely be championed by progressive organizations. For example: Farm subsidies, including crop insurance, further concentrate wealth among the already-wealthy. Edwards notes that, in 2016, the average income of farm households was 42 percent higher than the average American household. And the benefits may not actually be going to the growers; the authors of the Heritage report wryly observe that “reviews of agricultural programs have repeatedly found tens of millions of dollars in agricultural subsidies annually going to residents of such agriculture powerhouses as New York City and Washington, D.C.”

Then there’s the fact that the majority of crop insurance benefits go to producers of cash crops, like soybeans, rather than fruit and vegetable growers, or the people who epitomize our very idea of “farmer.”

Eliminating crop insurance would force every grower to be more creative, and more careful. Suddenly, they would have to manage all of the risks of farming themselves. Conservative economists like Edwards argue that farmers are more than up to it. Business risk is not unique to farming, and other business owners and operators figure out ways to manage it, he says. They save during good years, and borrow during bad. 

If the government-subsidized program disappeared, private insurance companies would create a range of crop insurance products that farmers could choose from. Edwards adds that farmers could diversify their planting to protect themselves from volatile markets or fluctuating yields, something many of the farmers I spoke with for this story have already done. More farmers might pursue secondary or part-time work to supplement their farming income (again many, like Dudek, already do).

Dudek says that some larger operations would be forced to downsize, which could make those acres available to a greater number of farmers. The Heritage Foundation also says that crop insurance artificially inflates the value of land, which can make it harder than it already is for new, beginner farmers to enter the profession.

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It’s not just farmers who would be impacted, of course. Subsidies like crop insurance have artificially depressed prices for corn, soybeans, and other grains that concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) rely on to produce inexpensive meat at scale. The Union of Concerned Scientists reports that CAFOs have at times indirectly benefited from grain subsidies to the tune of $4 billion a year. Without crop insurance, fewer producers would grow those crops. That means prices would go up, putting financial pressure on existing CAFOs. 

Some of the acres unsuitable for crops might be turned into rangeland for cattle. Farmers could grow low-cost grasses and other silage for grazing, and with feed costs rising for CAFOs, would be in a newly competitive position.

can you imagine what our communities would be like if we really embraced ecologically-sound, carbon-smart farming practices?
Decentralizing the livestock industry could have enormous environmental benefits. Well-managed pastures that always have something growing in them retain soil, water, and nutrients, preventing the run-off that degrades water quality. Rotational grazing can also reduce the greenhouse gas emissions associated with raising animals for food, and can help sequester carbon in the soil, just like growing cover crops and practicing no-till.

Crop insurance has not always been as it is now. The current system replaced a disaster relief program that had become too expensive. And yet, the crop insurance program has been far more costly to taxpayers; the Heritage Foundation calculates that it has been six times more expensive.

Getting rid of crop insurance would not necessarily mean getting rid of the farming safety net entirely. Reverting back to an ad-hoc disaster relief program that distributes funds after truly catastrophic natural disasters could protect farmers from unforeseeable circumstances while also removing the incentives that encourage them to plant on risky, environmentally-fragile acres.

All that said, there are powerful, vested interests in keeping crop insurance around. Crop insurance providers, for one. (They’re represented by the trade group that says crop insurance is essential for farmers.) The government subsidizes the cost of administering crop insurance for private insurance companies, and guarantees a much higher rate of return than they could expect in an open market. The result is that, between 2005 and 2009, private insurance companies received $1.44 in government subsidies for every dollar that went to farmers. And the industry doesn’t hesitate to lobby and spend lavishly so that politicians know that crop insurance is essential.

For at least that reason, crop insurance probably isn’t going anywhere anytime soon. But plenty of people agree that the current system is unsustainable, both financially, and environmentally. And there is an alternative.

“Let’s look 10 or 20 years down the road and say, can you imagine what our communities would be like if we really embraced ecologically sound, carbon-smart farming practices?” says Watkins. “I mean, from our water cleaning up to wild species coming back … it would rejuvenate rural Iowa.”

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]]> Are plant-based milks causing harmful nutritional deficiencies in children? https://thecounter.org/plant-based-nut-milks-american-academy-pediatrics-aap/ Thu, 12 Sep 2019 19:37:09 +0000 http://thecounterorg.wpengine.com/?p=19258 The milk wars are steaming up. The latest casualty⁠—or perhaps pawn⁠—is the children. The dairy industry has been lobbying to crack down on plant-based “imitation milks” since at least 2000. This year, they won the support of the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), the influential professional organization representing more than 66,000 pediatricians. Responding to a […]

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The milk wars are steaming up. The latest casualty⁠—or perhaps pawn⁠—is the children.

The dairy industry has been lobbying to crack down on plant-based “imitation milks” since at least 2000. This year, they won the support of the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), the influential professional organization representing more than 66,000 pediatricians.

Responding to a request for comments by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) on using dairy food names for plant-based products, AAP President Kyle Yasuda wrote in January, “the AAP recommends that FDA reserve the label of ‘milk’ solely for traditional dairy products to ensure that children receive the optimal nutrition they need to thrive.”

The AAP’s recommendation hinges on anecdotal reports that “the term ‘milk’ in the labeling of dairy-free alternatives has caused parental confusion, leading to the purchase of products that they assume contain traditional dairy ingredients and, thereby, unintentionally causing harmful nutritional deficiencies in their children.”

There is no citation for this assertion: The letter does not specify how many pediatricians have made such reports nor how many children have been affected. It does not describe the severity of these deficiencies, or their consequences.

Outside of AAP, individual pediatricians are less strident in their recommendations.
The AAP does, however, cite two consumer surveys: One by the Midwest Dairy Association, and one by the National Dairy Council. These industry-funded studies found that consumers do not understand the nutritional differences between dairy and plant-based milks, and that many believe alternative milks to be nutritionally equal or superior to cow milk. Thus far, the dairy industry has failed to convince the courts that consumers have been mistakenly buying plant-based milks thinking they were dairy products; arguing that consumers think plant-based milks are nutritionally equivalent is a variation on a theme.

Dr. George Fuchs, a pediatric gastroenterologist and member of the AAP nutrition committee, told New Food Economy that as a practitioner he can attest that the public sees plant-based milks as a nutritionally equivalent dairy substitute, although he has not seen any of the “harmful nutritional deficiencies” described in Yasuda’s letter. Fuchs was not involved in drafting the letter to the FDA (and AAP was unable to connect me with anyone who was before publication) but says the recommendation is in line with AAP’s position on dairy consumption.

But Fuchs says he is not familiar with the studies cited.

“I am aware of the policy and the rationale for the policy as written I think is sound,” he says. “But if there’s a question about the data on which the policy is written, then I really can’t speak to that.”

I asked Fuchs if he thought that the dairy industry could produce fair and trustworthy studies on this topic.

“There’s a conflict of interest there,” Fuchs says. “That doesn’t mean that the study they sponsored is not accurate, but there’s conflict of interest that should be removed from the equation.”

Fuchs clarified by email that conflict of interest can be removed by inserting a firewall “between the study sponsor and implementation and interpretation of the study results.”

Students drinking milk at school

Outside of AAP, individual pediatricians are less strident in their recommendations.

“I don’t think that pediatricians generally have an issue with plant milks being called milk,” Dr. Michelle Dern, a pediatrician at Scripps Coastal Medical Center in Encinitas, California, wrote in an email to New Food Economy.

Deborah Tagliareni, the Clinical Nutrition Manager at the Hassenfeld Children’s Hospital at NYU Langone, says she is not aware of plant-based milks causing problems for parents or children.

Tagliareni says that giving plant-based milk like soy or almond to a child would only be problematic if they weren’t getting key nutrients from another source. Milk is nutritionally dense, containing calcium, magnesium, phosphorus, potassium, protein, vitamin B12 and zinc, but Tagliareni confirmed that children can have a perfectly healthy vegan diet “as long as the parent is aware of which foods contain which nutrients and how to meet vitamin and mineral requirements.”

Even the AAP website healthychildren.org makes it clear that children do not need milk.

This is not the first time that AAP has made statements or endorsements sought by the dairy industry.
“While milk can be nutritious, it isn’t absolutely necessary for a healthy diet,” Dr. Claire McCarthy writes, addressing her comments to a parent whose child won’t drink milk. “Other dairy products, such as cheese and yogurt, can provide the same nutrients, as can “alterna-milks” such as soy milk or almond milk, although you should talk to [a] pediatrician before you switch to one of those.”

Tagliareni does not think it’s necessary to rename soy, almond, and other plant-based milks, but that education is important.

“It’s important that consumers are educated on what they’re choosing and how it diverges from what they’re replacing,” she says. “Many different nutrients—and proteins and carbs and fats and vitamins and minerals—can be met in other ways.”

AAP appears to be the only professional association of pediatricians to have taken a side on the issue: The American Pediatric Society did not respond to an email query, and a public relations strategist at the American Academy of Family Physicians said the organization does not have a specific policy on this topic. AAP was the only professional organization whose support was celebrated in a press release by the National Milk Producers Federation. (After this story published, a representative from NMPF pointed out that the North American Society for Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology and Nutrition, also has expressed concern about the health effects of plant-based milk on children, as well as suggesting the possibility of confusion with traditional dairy products.)

This is not the first time that AAP has made statements or endorsements sought by the dairy industry. In 2011, former Washington Post reporter Ed Bruske wrote a series of articles about the hotly contested issue of chocolate milk in school cafeterias, which the dairy industry boasted was supported by leading health organizations like the American Heart Association and AAP. At the time, Bruske reported that one of the authors of an AAP statement on the nutritional benefits of dairy, including sugar-laden flavored milk, was also an advisor to the National Dairy Council.

Even the AAP website healthychildren.org makes it clear that children do not need milk.
Bruske also reported that the AAP receives funding from the dairy industry. In the fiscal year 2012-2013, for example, the National Dairy Council gave between $100,000 and $249,999, and the Milk Processor Education Program (MilkPEP) gave between $25,000 and $49,999, according to an AAP Honor Roll of Giving. The dairy industry sponsors other influential organizations, too, including the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics, and lobbied heavily to increase the federal recommendation for daily dairy intake from two to three servings a day.

Not unlike studies funded by the soda industry, one of the dairy industry’s tactics is to fund research that can be used to bolster their arguments, whether for keeping chocolate milk in schools or banning “imitation milks” from the dairy aisle.

“Biased though it may be, industry-funded research, with its gloss of scientific authority, makes its way into widely circulated professional journals such as the Journal of the American Dietetic Association and the Journal of Adolescent Health,” Bruske wrote in 2011. “It then migrates into findings of medical groups like the American Heart Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics… The result is a kind of public relations echo chamber in which dairy industry messages based on “research” it pays for are parroted by proxies in the health and education communities who also have financial ties to dairy.”

Considering how long the industry has been trying to force plant-based milks to be called “juices” or “beverages,” this claim that plant-based milks are hurting children seems merely like a new angle of attack in an old war.

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